Grandpa’s siblings 5

With this post, we are halfway through Peter P and Margaretha’s twelve children.

1. Peter, the first, died eight days after he was born in August 1891.
2. Margaretha followed in 1892; in time she raised four children with Klaas T. Friesen.
3. Katharina was born in 1895; she and Dietrich C. Quiring had eleven kids.
4. Benjamin, who was born in 1897, married Anna Regier and raised seven children with her.
5. Sara followed in 1899; never marrying, she pursued a nursing career.

This brings us to Klaas P Buller, child number six.

Klaas P Buller in 1926, the year of his wedding.

Klaas was born 3 March 1902, two and a half years after Sara. He was baptized at the age of twenty-one, on 20 May 1923. Three years later, on 21 March 1926, he married Anna Hiebner. Together they raised six or seven children. Interestingly, the Buller Family Record lists Mabel, Agnes, Katherine, Margaret, Arnold, and Raymond, but the Grandma database indicates that there was a seventh child between Katherine and Margaret. Neither the name nor the gender of the child is known.

The 1930 census lists Klaas as a farmer, but there is no record of where he farmed. However, with a little detective work, we can venture a reasonable guess. A census sheet (viewable here) of this era listed people roughly in the order in which the census taker encountered them. Therefore, noting that Klaas and Anna (no children at that time) are listed after two Ronne families and are followed by Mrs. Jacob F. Epp and children, Mrs. Cornelius Dahlke and children, then Peter P and Margaretha and the four children still living at home, Peter P Siebert, and D. D. Epp and family, one can develop an idea of where Klaas and Anna might have lived: between several Ronne families and Peter P’s farm, likely with an Epp and or a Dahlke nearby.

Looking closely at the map of Henderson Township below (for the full map, see here), we can see that there were four Ronne families on the east half of section 12 and that Peter P Buller owned the east half of section 11. In addition, Jacob F. Epp owned farmland on the same section 11 as Peter P, and Peter Siebert lived and farmed in section 12, across the road east from Peter P. All this suggests strongly that Klaas and Anna farmed somewhere nearby. They are not included on this 1924 map, of course, because they did not establish their household until 1926: But given what we already know about Peter P and Margaretha’s practice, one might reasonably suggest that the 120 acres owned by P. P. Buller in section 13 was given, sold, and/or rented to Klaas and Anna after they married. This would explain the progress of the census (Ronnes followed by Klaas followed by his parents) and cohere with the family tradition of Peter P and Margaretha setting up their children with farmland.

At some point Klaas and Anna moved to York, where he continued to reside until he passed away in Lincoln, Nebraska, on 8 May 1971, at the age of sixty-nine. Anna outlived him by twenty-three years. Klaas’s funeral was held at the First United Methodist Church in York, after which he was buried in the Greenwood Cemetery on the west side of York.

*****

Additional note on Katharina and Dietrich C. Quiring: Looking north of Peter P’s farm in section 11, one sees that the southeast quarter of section 2 was owned by D. C. Quiring. Certainly this must be Dietrich and Katharina, right? Further, glancing to the east at section 1, what is one to make of Katherine Quiring being named the owner of the west half of the southeast quarter of that section? Did Peter P and Margaretha purchase that 80-acre tract and deed it to their daughter Katharina alone, not to the couple together? Intriguing and revealing, if that is in fact the case.

Grandpa’s siblings 1

A series of posts over the next several weeks will offer background on and photographs of most of Grandpa’s eleven brothers and sisters, the children of Peter P and Margaretha Epp Buller.

Peter and Margaretha’s first child, also named Peter, was born 10 August 1891 and died eight days later, on 18 August. He is buried in the Mennonite (Buller–Siebert) cemetery.

Less than a year later, on 29 July 1892, Margaretha bore a second child, a daughter likewise named Margaretha. Although we cannot be certain, the photograph below is probably of this daughter. The picture was taken in 1912, when Margaretha would have been twenty; this seems to correspond to what we see in the photo.

Margaretha married Klaas T. Friesen on 27 June 1912 (the same year the photograph was taken) and had one son and three daughters with him.

Like most of our ancestors, Margaretha and Klaas were farmers. Furthermore, as with most of their children, Peter P and Margaretha gave the young couple their start. As shown in the plat map of York County’s Hays Township below, Klaas and Margratha Friesen owned the south half of the southeast quarter of section 6 (the enlarged extract in the center shows section 6).

Note further that Peter P owned the north half of the same section as well as the southwest quarter of the southwest quarter of section 5 at that time (1924). The Farmer’s Directory that accompanies this plat map (see here) states that Klaas and Margratha (sic) rented the two pieces of land owned by Peter P in Hays Township.

Why is this important to note? First, it leads to a correction of an earlier statement, namely, that Peter P and Margaretha farmed 560 acres by 1924 (see here). In fact, Klaas and their daughter Margaretha farmed some of that land (ca. 120 acres), the parcels located in Hays Township.

Second, and more important, this information provides further evidence for Peter P and Margaretha’s practice of acquiring land for their children. In all likelihood, they bought both the south half and the north half of the southeast quarter of section 6, then (as they did with Grandpa and Grandma) gave Klaas and Margaretha 40 acres of the south half and sold them the other 40 acres of the south half. In addition, Peter P and Margaretha rented to Klaas and Margaretha the 120 acres that the parents still owned: the north half of the section 6 property and the 40 acres in section 5 to the east, which were no doubt purchased at the same time. So it was that Peter P and Margaretha took steps to ensure that the landlessness problem that had plagued the family in Molotschna was not repeated in Nebraska.

How long Klaas and Margaretha lived on the farm thus provided we do not know. Margaretha passed away at the age of fifty-two, on 10 November 1944. She is buried alongside Klaas (died 1956) in the Bethesda Cemetery northeast of Henderson (see here).

Matrilocality … and Bullers 6 (and last)

The preceding posts on partible, bilateral inheritance (the Mennonite practice of partitioning an estate so that each heir of any age—male and female alike—received an equal share) and matrilocality (the marital arrangement in which a husband moved lived near or with his wife’s parents) have explained, or at least provided background to, a number of incidents in our family history.

1. Why did Peter D and Sarah Siebert Buller live near and with her parents? Peter D’s father David neither owned nor had access to his own land; Sarah’s parents Johann and Katharina owned a full plot that would support, apparently, Peter D and Sarah and their family as well.

2. Why did Peter P and Margaretha move to the Epp farm when they married? Further, why did Peter P’s older brother Johann move to his wife Anna Thieszen’s family farm when they married? It seems that both sons did not think it likely that they had a future staying with the Peter D farm, so each one joined his wife’s family.

3. Ironically, when Peter D passed away several years later, Peter P did take over the family farm. Just as ironically, when Anna Thieszen’s parents died, Johann and her did not take over that family farm. It seems they were unable to buy the shares of the other heirs in the distribution of the estate.

4. Why is Margaretha Epp Buller named as owner of a quarter of land, not her husband David, the brother of Peter P? In all likelihood, her parents passed over the property while they were still alive as as sort of living inheritance. Since the land was passed directly to her (not purchased by the couple), her name remained on the title. (Does anyone else find it odd that so many of Peter D’s sons took the matrilocality route?)

All these events in our family history make perfect sense when viewed as particular instances of the Mennonite practices of partible, bilaterial inheritance and/or matrilocality—with a little premortem estate distribution thrown in for good measure. It is this latter practice that deserves further thought here, since it seems that this is what Peter P and Margaretha did for their children.

The details are a bit unclear, but one gets the impression that Peter P and Margaretha expanded their land holdings so that they could set up each child—male or female—with some means of subsistence, some land on which to raise a family and build a life.

We first noticed their land acquisition nearly two years ago (see here). We observed that, by 1924, “Peter P and Margaretha farmed 560 acres of their own land, just 80 acres shy of a full square mile.” At the time we marveled how fortunes had changed for the Bullers from Molotschna to Nebraska. However, it appears that Peter P and Margaretha acquired this land not for themselves but for their children, who would receive it as a living inheritance at the start of their married lives.

For example, one notices in the 1924 plat map below of Hays Township in York County that Peter P owned the north 80 acres of the southeast quarter of section 7 and the 40 acres southeast across the road. Who owned the south 80 acres of the southeast quarter? Klaas and Margaretha Buller Friesen, otherwise known as Peter P and Margaretha’s daughter and her husband Klaas. What is interesting to note is that the entire 160 acres + 40 acres were owned by Casper Salmen in 1911. Margaretha and Klaas married in 1912, and by 1924 they owned the south 80 acres and Peter P owned the rest. We cannot know for certain, but a reasonable explanation is that Peter P and Margaretha bought all 200 acres, then gave half of the south 80 acres to Klaas and Margaretha and allowed them to purchase the other half on their own (see below for supporting evidence).

I suspect that Klaas and Margaretha farmed the remaining 120 acres, even though it technically was owned by their parents. In other words, this may well be an instance of a living inheritance being passed on, in this case to both husband and wife! Notice that neither the husband alone (as often) nor the wife alone (as with Margaretha and David Buller here) owned the land. Klaas and Margaretha owned the land jointly, which offers yet another variation on the inheritance practices that we have seen.

I assume the same practice was followed with the other children. I have been told that, when Peter P and Margaretha moved to California in 1936, they turned over the farm to their son Peter (Uncle Pete, as Dad calls him). How much of the farm he owned and how much he simply farmed is unknown to me.

We also reported earlier that Peter P and Margaretha gave Grandpa Chris and Grandma Malinda land when they were married. Specifically, they gave the newlyweds 40 of the south 80 acres of the farm south of Lushton and allowed them to purchase the other 40 acres of the south 80 (see further here). My memory also hints that Aunts Sarah and Maria owned the north 80 acres, and I would not be at all surprised if Peter P and Margaretha gave each of their unmarried daughters half of that 80, which was then farmed by Grandpa and Grandma.

Whatever the particulars, I suspect that, if we had the time and resources to look, we would discover that other children of Peter P and Margaretha were provided (access to) land, so that they were able to build their lives and raise their families early on, rather than having to wait for an uncertain future at the passing of their parents. In this regard, Peter P appears (!) to have acted quite differently from his own father Peter D, who seems to have followed a more traditional practice of Mennonite inheritance and land acquisition.

Despite differences and variations, the actions of our near and distant ancestors fit comfortably within the practices and traditions associated with Mennonite partible, bilateral inheritance, matrilocality, and the distribution of assets to children prior to the death of the parents. Our family was Mennonite in orientation and practice, even as it put its own stamp of family values on the actions it took.

Halbstadt 3

The translation of the Halbstadt Gemeindebericht moves forward, with a paragraph or more added each week. For the translation and the original German of the document, see here.

The paragraph on which this post will comment consists of a single sentence:

These immigrants did not have specific leaders, but two from among them—Klaas Wiens, later a settler in the village Altonau, and David Hiebert, a settler in the village Lindenau—more or less held the rudder in their hands.

By way of recap, thus far the community report has explained why the West Prussian Mennonites wished to relocate (the Prussian king Frederick William III had issued a decree limiting their ability to purchase land), reminded readers that a large number of Mennonites had emigrated to New Russia (Chortitza) already in 1789, and stated in summary fashion that a significant number (over three hundred families), which included the original founders of Halbstadt, made the trek to New Russia in 1803 and 1804. We pick up the story at that point.

These immigrants. The reference is to the more than three hundred families who emigrated in 1803 and 1804.

did not have specific leaders. This comment probably hints at a difference between the 1789 migration and this one. In 1789, the Mennonites who left West Prussia and eventually settled in Chortitza were led by Jakob Höppner and Johann Bartsch, who had toured and surveyed potential settlement spots before the move. The 1803 and 1804 migration, by contrast, did not have such recognized leaders.

Klaas Wiens. The German original contains an error here, since it reads “Klaas und Wiens” (Klaas and Wiens). The individual in view is not, however, in any doubt. Klaas Klaas Wiens (GM 47057) was born 16 February 1768 and died 31 December 1820. He was an original settler of Altonau and the first Oberschulz (district mayor) of the Molotschna colony. See further the GAMEO article on him here.

David Hiebert. This is presumably David Jacob Hiebert (GM 266749), who was born 12 December 1774 and died 14 January 1852. According to the 1806 census (see here), he and his family resided in Lindenau Wirtschaft 15. The census also reports that the family owned five horses, fourteen cattle, and ten pigs; their farm and household equipment included a plow, two harrows, two wagons, and a spinning wheel. On 21 May 1818, David Hiebert and his wife Agatha were privileged to host Tsar Alexander I in their home (see Entz 1970).

held the rudder in their hands. The community report offers a nice visual to characterize the informal leadership of these two men: they guided the entire group of travelers (which was certainly divided into a substantial number of smaller groups of families of varying sizes) as one guides a boat, steering it toward its destination.

This section of the report offers a general description of how the future Halbstadt settlers made it from West Prussia all the way to Molotschna. Before the report narrates the settlers’ arrival at their new home, however, it will recount some good fortune that they experienced along the way.

Work Cited

Entz, J. E. 1970. “A Diamond Ring from the Czar.” Mennonite Life 25:185–86. Available online here.

What’s Next?

With the Franztal series at an end, the question arises: Where now? I am open to suggestions, if any come to mind; you can use the Click Here to Contact Me link in the upper right to send your ideas. Although Buller Time has been quiet the past several weeks, reading and thinking about matters Mennonite and Buller have continued.

For example, we have heard from several members of the broader family. A son of Peter E Buller (see here), who was Grandpa Chris’s younger brother, emailed to make contact and fill in some blanks on that branch of the family. His memory, since confirmed by Dad, is that Pete and his wife Elsie Fast Buller took over the family farm after Peter P and Margaretha moved to California in 1936 (see here). Dad recalls that several years later when Uncle Pete and family were preparing to move to Iowa, they held a farm sale, and he believes that a Farmall (F20?) was sold by lottery at that sale.

According to Pete’s son, the family moved to “Salix, Iowa, due to the dry years, to Chicago for Moody Bible Institute, back to Iowa because of WWII, and to Omaha for Grace Bible Institute in 1945.” Chris and Pete had a good relationship and traveled together at least once: “In February 1957, I got to go with them and Matilda (and Esther?) to visit Grandpa PP Buller and Aunts Sarah and Marie in Upland, CA.  … We traveled in Uncle Chris’ 1956 Ford sedan (six adults and me as a seven year-old boy sitting on a little folding stool).”

Many of you will recall that Pete and family owned a nursery for many years in Omaha. If anyone has memories (or photographs!) of that family branch that you would like to share, please contact me.

Buller Time was also contacted by a granddaughter of Klaas P. Buller, Grandpa Chris’s older brother (see here). I know less about this family (which means more room for readers to contribute their own memories), but Dad’s recollection is that Klaas lived south and east of Peter P and Margaretha. This is consistent with our earlier suggestion that Klaas and family lived on 120 acres of section 13 of the Henderson Township in York County (see the map here). Dad remembers that place well because he broke his leg there jumping off of a feed bunk; he still had the cast on his leg on the third birthday in 1936.

He also recalls that Klaas and family moved to Lushton for a while and had a shoe repair shop there a block west and a block south of the post office. Eventually Klaas moved to York, I believe, and one of his daughters remains there. Again, if anyone has further information about Klaas’s family, please share it with the rest of us.

In the meantime, I will continue to read and explore and think about what topics might be of interest to Buller Time and its readers.

Halbstadt 11

The previous post dealt with a long section of the community report and thus turned out quite long itself. The subject of this post is a single sentence.

The Oberschulze at the time, Klaas Wiens, gave this village the name Halbstadt without special reason, at the request of the settlers for the name of a village in Prussia in which some of them had lived.

Oberschulze. There is no consensus about how best to translate this German term, and there is good reason to think that one common translation, district mayor, is as misleading as it is enlightening. For these reasons I decided (for now) not to translate the term at all, so that readers are not misled by an imperfect translation choice.

The problem stems from the inexact relation between the archaic German word Schulze and the English term most often used to translate it: mayor. The German Schulze was, to be sure, the chief executive of a village, but his role was not so much holding a political office as it was exercising practical authority. Thus the Schulze was usually responsible to collect taxes, to enforce governmental decisions, and, in general, to maintain the peace. Each village in Molotschna had its own Schulze, and the Oberschulz was “over” all of them, serving as the chief executive of the district. No English term conveys this role in a clear and succinct manner, so for the time being I will simply use the German term itself.

Klaas Wiens. We have already encountered Klaas Wiens twice in our journey through the Halbstadt community report. Wiens was first mentioned as one of the de facto leaders of the group(s) who traveled to establish the Molotschna colony (see Halbstadt 3). More recently we read that Wiens was the first to plant a forest plantation in Molotschna, an act for which Alexander I rewarded him by granting him his own estate (see Halbstadt 10). To read more about Wiens, see the entry on him here.

According to Cornelius Krahn (1959), Wiens was Molotschna’s first Oberschulze, serving from 1804 to 1806. Unlike the village of Alexanderwohl, which was named by Andrei M. Fadeev, of the Ekaterinoslav Bureau of the Guardianship Committee, or Waldheim, which was named by Johann Cornies, Halbstadt was named by Oberschulze Klaas Wiens. This in itself is an indication of the type and extent of authority that an Oberschulze exercised.

without special reason. A more paraphrastic rendering of the German might be: The Oberschulze at the time, Klaas Wiens, gave this village the name Halbstadt for no other reason than that the settlers asked that it be named after a village in Prussia in which some of them had lived. The point is that the name Halbstadt had no particular significance as it related to the founding of the village. The name, which literally means “Half City,” was no commentary on the new village. By way of comparison, recall that the founders of Alexanderwohl invested great significance in the naming of their village (see here).

name of a village in Prussia. In fact, the new Molotschna village was named Halbstadt because some of its founders had lived in a village by that name in Prussia/Poland, or so we are led to think. Richard D. Thiessen reports that “the 1776 Prussian census lists 13 Mennonite families in Halbstadt with the following surnames: Claasen, Conrad, Dick, Isaac, Kroecker, Loewen, Mertins, Reimer, Toews, Wall, Warkentin, Wiens, and Willer” (Thiessen 2012). Oddly, not one of these names appears among the list of original Halbstadt settlers (see Halbstadt 5): Berg/Barg, Boldt, Braun, Epp, Esau, Fast, Friesen, Giesbrecht, Groening, Heide/Heude, Hiebert, Janzen, Plett, and Wiebe. It is always possible, of course, that several of the founders of Molotschna Halbstadt moved to Prussian Halbstadt between 1776 and 1803. However, it seems curious, perhaps even suspicious, that one of the thirteen families identified with Prussian Halbstadt was Wiens, the surname of the Oberschulze who gave Halbstadt in Molotschna its name.

Works Cited

Krahn, Cornelius. 1959. “Oberschulze.” Global Anabaptist Mennonite Encyclopedia Online. Available online here.

Thiessen, Richard D. 2012. “Halbstadt (Pomeranian Voivodeship, Poland).” Global Anabaptist Mennonite Encyclopedia Online. Available online here.

In the News: Shucking Corn

Before we turn to the subject of this post, a personal note: I just completed the annual conference that consumes October and November every year, so I hope to return to a much more regular and frequent blogging schedule. We have more to discuss about the Peter D and Sarah farm, as well as numerous clips from newspapers from days gone by, not to mention the family history material that Carolyn Stucky shared some time ago.

For the moment, we take a step back to read a local news item from the 29 November 1944 issue of a York County newspaper known as The New Teller. The second item in the “Round-about Lushton” section is of interest to our family.*

Mr. and Mrs. Chris Buller attended a corn shucking bee Wednesday for their brother-in-law, Klaus Friesen. Mrs. Friesen passed away a short time ago.

Note first that only Grandpa and Grandma Buller are mentioned as attending the bee. Did some or all of the children also go? Perhaps a Buller Time reader recalls.

The occasion for the bee was somehow connected with the passing of Mrs. Klaus (better: Klaas) Friesen, who was none other than Grandpa’s older sister Margaretha (for details about her, see here). Margaretha had died on 10 November 1944 at the age of fifty-two. According to the report, the bee had taken place on the previous Wednesday. Since the 29 November issue was also published on a Wednesday, we can say with relative certainty that the bee took place on 22 November 1944, that is, the day before Thanksgiving that year.

This leads us to the event that prompted the news report in the first place: a corn shucking bee, also known as a corn husking bee (hence Cornhuskers). Combines today pick, shuck, and shell ears of corn all as part of a single process. Not so in the 1940s. There were mechanical corn pickers back then, but most farmers still picked corn ears by hand, shucked them in the field, and threw the husked ears into a wagon for transport from the field to the farmstead (for further details, see here and here; for a newsreel of the 1937 National Corn Husking Championship, see here). Once picked and shucked, the corn still needed to be run through a corn sheller to separate the kernels from the cob.

The entire process was labor intensive and presumably demanded all able-bodied family members to pitch in. With his wife recently deceased and only one daughter still living at home, Klaas Friesen faced a long and lonely haul getting his 1944 corn crop harvested. Fortunately, family and friends came alongside him to help. 

The details of the shucking bee are left unstated in the news report, but we are probably safe to conclude that Klaas’s friends, family, and neighbors gathered to help him harvest the year’s crop. Although husking bees sometimes were primarily social in nature (see here and here), accounts contemporary to this one generally present these gatherings as the community serving someone who needed help.

For example, the 19 November 1942 York Daily News Times reports:

A group of friends and neighbors held a “husking bee” at the home of F. P. Ehlers on Tuesday and husked out a field of corn. A hot dinner was furnished by the ladies. Mr. Ehlers has been unable to do any work for many weeks. (p. 4)

The 24 November 1938 Bradshaw Monitor reported a similar gathering: 

A big husking-bee was held at the Art Whittemore home 9 miles northwest of Bradshaw, last Friday. About a month ago Mr. Whittemore broke his arm cranking a car, which disabled him from corn husking, so his neighbors gave him a welcome lift. About 50 men with 21 wagons husked about 80 acres that day; but some of the men claim that the group of ladies who served the big dinner in excellent shape played a big part in the success of the event. (p. 1)

Whatever the exact nature and purpose of the corn shucking bee, it is clear that, the day before Thanksgiving, Klaas was given a reason to give thanks even in the face of his great loss. It is nice to know that, eighty years ago, Grandpa and Grandma were a part of that serving, supportive group.

* I wonder if the first Lushton item has a factual error (in addition to the spelling one). Grandpa Chris’s older sister Elizabeth married Dave Regier in 1925, and they moved onto the Epp-Buller farm when Peter P and Margaretha moved to California in August 1936 (see here). They had four sons, one of whom was named Fred, before their daughter Margaret was born in 1936. Because I know of no other Regier family living in the vicinity of Lushton with someone named Fred, I suspect that the newspaper notice may have meant to refer to Dave and Elizabeth Regier and their sons spending the day in Lincoln.

Alexanderwohl 13

We are nearing the halfway point in our reconstruction; we are also drawing closer to the Wirtschaft in which our own Benjamin Buller (father of Benjamin, father of David, father of Peter D, and so on) lived out the last years of his life.

Most significant, this post also marks a dramatic shift in our approach, since, thanks to the Mennonite Heritage Centre (see here), we now have access to an English translation of the full 1835 census. John Richert wrote previously that everything became clearer once he secured a copy of the census translation that the Centre distributes. I see what he means. Instead of guessing what the index to the census might represent, we can now see the actual census, which will reduce significantly the number of lingering questions that we have typically had. We see the difference with the very first Wirtschaft of this post.

Wirtschaft 14

The index to the 1835 census lists three names for Alexanderwohl 14:

Kirsch, Kornelius Kornelius (b. ca.1797)
Hiebert, Klaas Sacharij (b. ca.1802)
Unrau, Heinrich Peter (b. ca.1796)

The ages of the three men in 1821, ranging from nineteen to twenty-five, would permit any one of them to have been an original settler. Of the three surnames, however, only Unrau is associated with the Przechovka church (PCB: 1149). Nevertheless, we should work through the evidence before we jump to any conclusions.

Fortunately, the evidence of the census itself leaves little doubt as to which of the three is the most likely candidate for being an original Alexanderwohl settler. Heinrich Peter Unrau is not only listed as head of household for Alexanderwohl 14, but his year of emigration is also listed as 1819. This accords with what we find in the emigration records: the visa that gave Heinrich Unrau (GM: 86839) and his wife permission to emigrate was dated 20 July 1819 (Rempel 2007, 136), a full year before the presumed date of the main migration of Przechovka church members. What we know of the birth of the couple’s children (the first was born in 1820) is consistent with the facts of the visa, that is, that only husband and wife made the trek.

Although there is, unfortunately, no Russian record of where the couple settled, we can safely assume that it was Alexanderwohl, given not only the evidence of the 1835 census (they are located in Alexanderwohl and nowhere else) but also the listing of Heinrich and Anna Schmidt Unruh early in the Alexanderwohl church book (ACB: 45 and 46), which strongly suggests that they were associated with that village and church early on. Thus, we can reasonably conclude that Heinrich and Anna were the original settlers of Alexanderwohl 14. 

So how do we explain the listing of the two other men? Here is where the census provides details that the index cannot. The entry for the Unrau household adds two comments after their family members are listed. The first states that Klaas Zacharias Hiebert (GM: 60369) was “accepted into the [Unrau] household,” then notes that he transferred in 1832 to Lichtfelde, another Molotschna village. Turning to the Lichtfelde census entries, we see him listed at Wirtschaft 19 with a note that he transferred there from Alexanderwohl in 1822 (the two dates do not match in the translation, which means that the scans of the original need to be consulted). The second comment adds that “also accepted into the household” were Kornelius Kirsch, his wife Elisabeth, and his three children.

In other words, Hiebert and Kirsch are located at Alexanderwohl 14 only as residents of the Unrau household; these two were not original settlers on their own. Interestingly, the Unraus lived in Alexanderwohl until the entire church emigrated to the United States in 1874. Both spent their final years in Kansas, where they lie in rest. Klaas Hiebert, on the other hand, seems to have been a bit of a wanderer, since, according to GRANDMA, his children were born in at least four different villages.

Wirtschaft 15

We return to the Bullers with Alexanderwohl 15, specifically:

Buller, Jakob Jakob (b. ca.1795)

The 1821 age is right (twenty-six), and the name is obviously appropriate for the Przechovka church, so it is not surprising that he is listed in the church book (PCB: 1139). Another sign pointing toward Jacob Buller being a founding settler is the fact that his father Jacob Peter was the original settler of Alexanderwohl 9 (see here). However, here the matter becomes complicated. The index to the 1835 census lists Jacob Jacob twice:

Buller, Jakob Jakob (b. ca.1795): Franztal 5
Buller, Jakob Jakob (b. ca.1795): Alexanderwohl 15

What, then, does the census itself report? With the Franztal 5 listing, the household is headed first by Peter Andreas Richert, then by Peter Peter Janzen below him; Jacob Buller is listed as “accepted into the household.” Several additional notations help us to propose a reasonable chain of events. First, the census indicates that Peter Richert (who was a member of the Przechovka group) emigrated to Russia in 1819 and died in 1821. Second, Peter Janzen is said to have moved from the village Rudnerweide to Franztal in 1822. Third, Jacob Buller is reported to have moved from Franztal to Alexanderwohl in 1822.

Putting all the pieces together, one may reasonably suggest that the two Przechovka church members Peter Richert and Jacob Buller were part of the same group emigrating to Russia in 1819 (for Richert, see Rempel 2007, 153). Peter Richert became owner of Franztal 5, and Jacob Buller joined Richert’s household, perhaps waiting to secure his own Wirtschaft. Richert died in 1821, while Buller was still living with him, and Franztal 5 was sold/transferred to Peter Janzen. Suddenly Jacob Buller needed a place to live. Fortunately, in the interim his father Jacob Peter Buller had settled in Alexanderwohl 9, and he presumably encouraged his son Jacob Jacob to join him and other members of the Przechovka church in Alexanderwohl.

The fact that no other resident is listed for Alexanderwohl 15 gives us warrant, I think, to consider Jacob Jacob the founding settler of that Wirtschaft. We are told that at least eight Wirtschaften in Alexanderwohl were left unoccupied in 1820, after the first wave of settlers; thus, Alexanderwohl 15 may well have been vacant when Jacob Jacob decided to move there in 1822. Consequently, we will list Jacob Jacob as the founding settler of Alexanderwohl 15, even though that was not the first Molotschna village in which he lived.

Before we end this post, however, we should briefly introduce the village in which Jacob Jacob first lived. Franztal, which was located on the far eastern side of Molotschna, was established in 1820, just like Alexanderwohl. The Franztal community report (see here for the German) contains several key facts: (1) the original fifteen families who settled Franztal came from the Schwetz region near Kulm in West Prussia (aus dem Kreise Schwez bei Kulm in Westpreussen), which includes the area in which the Przechovka church was located (modern Chełmno [Kulm] is less than 5 miles from the location of the Przechovka church); (2) Franztal’s original founders faced significant challenges with its location and moved all or part of the village twice in the first year just to have access to water; (3) the founders initially wished to name the village Pschuchowka (= Przechovka), but government officials objected to giving a Polish name to this Russian village. We will certainly want to revisit Franztal to discover who else from Przechovka settled or lived there, but we end with this interesting observation: the first Molotschna village in which a Mennonite Buller lived may well have been Franztal, not one of those villages that we have previously suspected.

Alexanderwohl’s Original Settlers

Wirtschaft	Settler	GM Number	Notes
1	Martin Jacob Kornelsen	33801	PCB: 1250; emigrated 1820
	Anna Unrau	32780	first husband: David Buller
2	Heinrich Peter Block	29475	settlement year: 1823
3	?????
4	Peter Jacob Voth	268847	PCB ???; emigrated 1820
5	Heinrich David Schmidt	32966	PCB 1345; emigrated 1819
	Maricke Buller	32967	PCB 1355
6	Peter Johann Unrau	60318	PCB 1229; emigrated 1819
7	David Bernhard Voth	60325	Przechovka; emigrated 1820
8	?? Peter Franz Goerz	819683	to Alexanderwohl in 1826
9	Jacob Peter Buller	318737	PCB 377; emigrated 1820
10	David Johann Unrau	87011	PCB 987; emigrated 1820
11	Heinrich Isaak Schroeder	14829	Schönsee church; emigrated 1820
12	Jacob Jacob Pankratz	43123	PCB 727; emigrated 1820
13	?????
14	Heinrich Peter Unrau	86839	PCB 1149; emigrated 1819
15	Jacob Jacob Buller	5587	PCB 1139; emigrated 1819; settled 1822

Work Cited

Rempel. Peter. 2007. Mennonite Migration to Russia, 1788–1828. Edited by Alfred H. Redekopp and Richard D. Thiessen. Winnepeg: Manitoba Mennonite Historical Society.

Peter P farm 4

Before we go back to eighteenth-century West Prussia (Poland), one more photo from the farm of Peter P and Margaretha Epp Buller.

We have already highlighted Grandpa Chris and his brother Klaas (see here) and their parents Peter P and Margaretha (here); now we turn our gaze toward the buggies in the background.

Looking closely, one can make out three horse and buggies in the background. One can also see two people each in the middle and right buggies. It is impossible, of course, to know exactly who is in the buggies, but we can offer a reasonable guess.

Assuming that the picture was taken circa 1913, it is plausible to think that one of the buggies holds Grandpa’s older sister Margaretha P, who married Klaas Friesen in 1912. Presumably they rode in the buggy to visit her parents’ home. The next-oldest daughter, Katharina, did not marry until 1915, so it is less likely that she and her future husband (Dietrich Quiring) are one of the other couples.

In the lower right of the picture one can see two girls standing on the driveway. The girl on the right is head and shoulders taller than the girl on the left. The girls are no doubt some combination of Sara (born 1899), Elizabeth (1904), and Maria (1908).

Further examination of this detail reveals that there may be one more person previously unnoticed. Look carefully at Peter P and Margaretha at the left of the photograph. It appears that Margaretha is holding a young child in her arms. Peter E was born in 1911, so it is probably not him. Anna was born in October 1913, so it might be her.

If Margaretha is indeed holding a child, this would imply that the picture was taken in 1914, before Anna’s first birthday. Notice that the trees seem to have all their leaves, so it is not later in the year. This almost-overlooked detail may well hold the key to the date of this photo. Certainty will continue to elude us, but for the time being we should probably date this photo circa 1914.

One final item: the two-story house in the background. The photograph below shows that Peter P and Margaretha’s house still stands today in excellent shape, but notice how much the trees have grown in the intervening century!

A photographic interlude

Before we tie up the loose end mentioned earlier, another early picture of Grandpa and his siblings deserves our attention.

Peter P and Margaretha Epp Buller (Grandpa’s parents) had twelve children. The first son, named Peter, was born on 10 August 1891 and died eight days later. Based on this information and working from the list of other children, we can identify the nine children in this photograph with a fair degree of certainty. The children who survived infancy are:

• Magaretha P—29 July 1892 (see further here)
• Katharina P—1 March 1895 (see further here)
• Benjamin P—5 July 1897 (see further here)
• Sara P—30 September 1899 (see further here)
• Klaas P—3 March 1902 (see further here)
• Elizabeth P—21 March 1904 (see further here)
• Cornelius P—17 April 1906 (see further here)
• Maria P—21 May 1908 (see further here)
• Peter E—25 May 1911 (see further here)
• Anna P—9 October 1913 (see further here)
• Henry P—20 December 1915 (see further here)

The two oldest girls in the center are obviously Margaretha and Katharina, although it is hard to tell which looks three years older than the other. The oldest boy on the right must be Benjamin, followed by the younger girl toward the left of the back row: Sara (one of the compilers of the Buller Family Record). That would make the boy to the far left Klaas, and Elizabeth would be the girl farthest to the right.

The lad wearing the double-breasted coat in the front is Grandpa Chris. The two remaining kids are Maria (another compiler of the Buller Family Record) and Peter, who seems to be just shy of two years of age.

If Peter is almost two, then we might date the photo to spring of 1913, when he was twenty-three months. Obviously, Anna and Henry were not yet born at that time. If the photo is correctly dated to 1913, Grandpa was seven years old

There is no indication of where the photograph was taken, but it was probably somewhere close to home, if not on the Peter P farm itself.

***
Thanks to Abe and Alice Buller for providing the photograph and to Dad for supplying it to the Buller Time blog.

Halbstadt 0

In an attempt to return to a somewhat regular blogging schedule, I recently decided to work slowly through the 1848 Gemeindeberichte, or community reports, from Molotschna. As before with Franztal (see here), I will first offer a translation of the German, then follow with commentary on points of interest or matters that require explanation. We will work through the reports in the order in which Woltner (1941) presents them. We thus begin with Halbstadt, one of the first nine villages founded when the Molotschna settlement came into existence in 1804. 

This Halbstadt 0 post will contain only the translation and the German original below. I will update the post each time I finish translating another section. When all is said and done, the entire translation will be available in this one post. For the accompanying commentary, see the posts Halbstadt 1–.

Translation

According to the Most High Declaration of 1801, the Mennonites in the Kingdom of Prussia were not permitted to expand their properties or to purchase others in addition to their current ones, because, in accordance with their beliefs, they could not submit themselves to the canton obligation. As a result, they found themselves in distressed circumstances as the number of families increased. Now Mennonites had already immigrated to south Russia at the request of Her Majesty the Empress Catherine. On the basis of this request and of the privileges granted by His Majesty Emperor Paul, Most High, on 6 September 1800, to the Mennonites who had settled in the Chortitza district in the Yekaterinoslav Governorate, a significant number of families from the Kingdom of Prussia—the province of West Prussia and the administrative districts of Marienwerder and Danzig—emigrated in 1803 and 1804 to south Russia, where they settled in the Taurida Governorate.

These immigrants did not have specific leaders, but two from among them—Klaas Wiens, later a settler in the village Altonau, and David Hiebert, a settler in the village Lindenau—more or less held the rudder in their hands.

Already on the journey, in the border and governate city of Grodno, these immigrants enjoyed a special favor and benefaction from the Russian high crown: each family was given 50 bank rubles. Moreover, they were also given traveling money from there on for forty days—20 kopeks currency for every soul over twelve years and 10 kopeks currency for every soul under twelve years—as well as funds for food after their arrival up to the first harvest, namely, 8 kopeks currency for each soul.

Among these immigrants were also the twenty-one families who founded the village Halbstadt. After spending most of the winter in the Chortitza Mennonite district, they arrived in the spring of 1804 on the steppe assigned to them for settlement by the military governor, the Duke of Richelieu, and the chairman of the Yekaterinoslav Office for Foreign Settlers, Mr. Contenius. The steppe was used at that time partly by the crown peasants of the parish village Grosstokmak, lying 10 versts away, and partly by wandering Nogais.

The village was founded in the insignificant lowland on the left bank of the steppe river Molochna, which originates as the Tokmak 25 versts outside of the border of the district on a significant mountain hill and runs until 2 versts before this village, where the tributary Schönhull empties into it, and from there on it is called the Molochna. It is 40 versts from the former district city, Orikhiv; approximately 120 versts from the current district city, Berdiansk; and approximately 330 versts from the gubernia city, Simferopol.

This steppe was completely free of houses or dwellings of any kind. The soil in the lowland consists of a mixture of peat, loam, and sand; the slightly higher steppe, except for the black earth upper layer from 1 to 1.5 feet deep, only of loam. The growth of grass on the hay steppes was, on average, only mediocre; by contrast, the pasture for horses, cattle, and sheep was strong and nourishing. However, with good preparation and treatment, the soil was particularly suitable for cultivation and bore, in fruitful years, a harvest of ten- to fifteenfold. To beautify the treeless steppe, a wooded area of 10.5 dessiatines was planted at the north end of the village close to the Molotschna; this was at the request of His Majesty Alexander I during his highly esteemed visit to the local villages in 1825. Seeds from abroad were obtained for this purpose by His Excellency State Councillor Mr. Contenius and the local Agricultural Society. In addition, under the management of the Society, every farmer [i.e., landowner] has planted 1 dessiatine of various fruit trees on his hearth as a garden.

The Oberschulze at the time, Klaas Wiens, gave this village the name Halbstadt without special reason, at the request of the settlers for the name of a village in Prussia in which some of them had lived.

The houses were built for the most part already in the first summer of a framework filled out with prepared loam. In support, every settler received from the high crown the lumber needed for a dwelling and 125 bank rubles for the purchase of livestock and farm implements. This advance was to be repaid without interest, according to the immigration edict, after the graciously granted ten free years over the ten following years. Their own capital brought from abroad consisted primarily of horses, wagons, and some cattle. The majority had scarcely the cash needed for the journey, and these impoverished circumstances greatly complicated settlement. For a number of years, their income was, by any measure, extremely low. The products of the field could not be sold because no trade took place. Wheat was bought in Mariupol for, at most, 5 bank rubles a chetwert. At such prices, the farmer did not see his labors repaid and thus grew grain only for domestic use.

With this low income, the inhabitants could buy neither furniture nor farm implements but for the most part manufactured for themselves such things for their essential needs, with the result that no craft or trade could arise. Little by little the sale of butter and cheese, which are well prepared by us Mennonites, produced a considerable income, which, in addition, was somewhat increased through the admittedly rare sale of horses and cattle.

The foundation of prosperity became sheep breeding, for which we have the tireless and fatherly care of Mr. Contenius to thank. The price of wool increased, and the refinement and improvement of sheep breeding now became the inhabitants’ main focus. In the years 1835 and 1836 a pud of wool increased to 45 bank rubles. Thus sheep breeding became a source of abundant income for a number of years.

Another highly significant event for this area was the establishment of the seaport Berdiansk, for which we feel deeply indebted to the high government. For a decade now, a widespread trade has flourished in this city. The farmer could now sell the products of his land there at a good profit. This gave him new courage and new life. With enthusiasm and doubled diligence, he now pursued and improved cultivation, with the support of the Agricultural Society. Through the widely established practice of black fallow, fields were kept strong. The level of prosperity was also raised, to some extent, through the improvement of horse and cattle breeding.

But on the other hand, this village and its sisters also experienced times and circumstances that were completely opposed to the progress of prosperity.

In the years 1812, 1813, and 1821, the harvest was so poor that the inhabitants and their livestock made it through only with difficulty. There was a total crop failure in 1833; neither grain nor fodder for livestock was harvested, and there was a great shortage. Due to the shortage of pasture on the steppe, which was nearly black, and as a result of livestock disease on top of that, most cattle had fallen already by late summer; then the rough spring weather robbed a portion of the wintered livestock. Grain for the poor to make bread was purchased in Poland with money loaned by wealthy residents. A pud of wheat flour was worth up to 5 bank rubles. In 1834 also again only the seed sown was harvested.

Large swarms of locusts destroyed an already small crop in 1823 and 1824 and a hopeful one in 1827.

In 1829 and 1833 livestock disease took away, on average, the greater part of the residents’ livestock, while in 1839 some were spared this loss.

In the winter of 1824–1825, the community suffered a frightful ground blizzard, though not to the degree or as continuously lasting as in the villages at the eastern end of the district. Although most of the livestock had been sold, on account of the crop failure, in the fall for extremely low prices, because of the turbulent weather the residents still could not save all that remained, for what little fodder there was lay buried deep in the snow, and the straw from the roofs was both insufficient and too bad. As a result, the community lost almost all its livestock.

In June 1845 a strong hailstorm, which included stones weighing ¾ of a pound, caused some damage in the fields; however, at the beginning of July a second hailstorm beat down the nearly ripened barley and rye fields. The watermelon fields, which likewise were destroyed, recovered again.

In 1821 many residents died of a strong nervous fever [typhus].

In 1836, at 10:30 p.m. on 11 January, there was a strong earthquake, but it caused no damage.

As useful facilities the village counts a brewery since 1809, a distillery with a steam apparatus, three vinegar breweries, a water mill since 1810, two dyeworks, a cloth factory that was built in 1815 and 1816, burned down in 1839, and was rebuilt again more beautifully and completely in 1842. To this factory the high crown has given 3,000 dessiatines of land located in the local district. In 1816 the district office was transferred here. Also located here for many years has been an important store with various dry goods, lumber, iron, and many other essential articles and materials for the residents.

In 1837 the colonial community of Halbstadt was asked in the mayor’s office by the chairman of the Agricultural Society Johann Cornies and the Oberschulz Johann Regier for permission to create an artisan’s village consisting of two hundred artisans at the east end of Halbstadt, for which the community was asked to give 50 dessiatines of land for cultivation and a pasture for two hundred head of cattle. The community granted the request, according to the community decision, on the condition that they receive as compensation on the southeast boundary of their land 600 dessiatines from the adjoining crown land allocated in order to move two hundred head of their cattle there and be able to pasture their own remaining cattle jointly with the artisans’ cattle. This was confirmed in 1841 by the Guardianship Committee, and in 1842 the artisans’ village was created.

The village has been honored with many distinguished visits:

in 1818 by His Supreme Majesty Emperor Alexander I, who deigned to step down and inspect the cloth factory for several moments;

in 1837 by His Imperial Highness the Successor to the Throne Alexander Nikolaevich;

in 1841 by Her Imperial Highness the Grand Duchess Helena Pavlovna, who deigned to stay the night with local resident and current district assessor Johann Neufeld;

in 1845 by His Imperial Highness the Grand Duke Konstantin Nicolaevich, who likewise visited the cloth factory;

in 1841 by His Serene Highness the Minister of State Properties Adjutant General Count Kiselev;

in 1828 and 1835 by His Serene Highness the Military Governor Count Vorontsov, who also visited the cloth factory.

Mayor David Friesen

Assistants Heinrich Nickel and Johann Esau 

Schoolteacher Andreas Voth

Halbstadt, April 1848

*******************

The German text of the Halbstadt community report is from Woltner 1841, 88–93.

[88] Den Mennoniten im Königreiche Preußen war laut Allerhöchster Deklaration von 1801 nicht erlaubt, ihre Ländereien zu erweitern, noch andere außer den schon vorhandenen käuflich an sich zu bringen, weil sie sich ihren Glaubensgrundsätzen nach, der Kantonpflichtigkeit nicht unterwerfen konnten. Dadurch gerieten sie bei zunehmender Familienzahl in bedrängte Umstände. Nun waren schon früher auf das Verlangen Ihrer Majestät der Kaiserin Katharina Mennoniten ins südliche Russland eingewandert. Auf Grund dieses Verlangens und auf die den im Chortitzer Bezirk im Jekaterinoslawschen Gouvernement angesiedelten Mennoniten von Sr. Majestät Kaiser Paul 1800 am 6. September Allerhöchst verliehenen Privilegien, wanderten 1803 und 1804 eine bedeutende Anzahl Familien aus dem Königreich Preußen, der Provinz Westpreußen und den Regierungsbezirken Marienwerder und Danzig, in das südliche Russland, wo sie sich im taurischen Gouvernement niederliessen.

Eigentliche Anführer hatten diese Einwanderer nicht, aber zwei aus ihrer Mitte, Klaas und Wiens, später Ansiedler in der Kolonie Altona, und David Hübert, Ansiedler in der Kolonie Lindenau, hatten einigermaßen das Ruder in der Hand.

[89] Schon auf der Reise, in der Grenze- und Gouvernementsstadt Grodno, hatten diese Einwanderer von der russischen hohen Krone einer besonderen Huld und Wohltat sich zu erfreuen, indem einer jeden Familie 50 Rbl. Banko geschenkt wurden. Außerdem bekamen sie noch von dort an auf 40 Tage für eine jede Seele über 12 Jahren 20 Kop. und unter 12 Jahren 10 Kop. Banko Zehrgeld, sowie nach ihrer Ankunft bis zur ersten Ernte Nahrungsgelder, und zwar 8 Kop. Banko auf jede Seele.

Unter diesen Einwanderern waren auch die 21 Familien, die die Kolonie Halbstadt gründeten. Sie kamen im Frühjahr 1804, nachdem sie grösstenteils im Chortitzer Mennonitenbezirk gewintert hatten, auf der ihnen vom Kriegsgouverneur Herzog von Richelieu und dem Vorsitzer des Jekaterinoslavschen Kontors für ausländische Ansiedler Herrn Kontenius zur Besiedlung angewiesenen Steppe an, welche damals teils von den Kronsbauern des 10 Werst entfernt liegenden Kirchdorfes Grosstokmak und teils von umherziehenden Nogaiern benutzt wurde.

Die Kolonie wurde gegründet in der nicht gerade bedeutenden Niederung am linken Ufer des Steppenflusses Molotschna, welcher 25 Werst außerhalb der Grenze des Bezirks auf einem bedeutenden Berghügel entspringt und bis 2 Werst vor dieser Kolonie, wo das Zuflüsschen Schönhull mündet, Tokmak und von da an Molotschna heisst. Die Entfernung von der damaligen Kreisstadt Orechow ist 40, von der jetzigen Kreisstadt Berdjansk ungefähr 120, von der Gouvernementsstadt Simferopol ungefähr 330 Werst.

Von Häusern und Wohnungen jeder Art war diese Steppe ganz frei. Der Boden besteht in der Niederung aus einer Mischung von Moorerde, Lehm und Sand; die etwas höher liegende Steppe, außer der oberen Schicht von 1 bis 1 1/2 Fuß tiefer schwarzer Erde, nur aus Lehm. Der Graswuchs auf den Heusteppen war durchschnittlich nur mittelmäßig, dagegen war die Weide für Pferde, Rindvieh und Schafe kräftig und [90] nährend; besonders aber eignete sich der Boden bei guter Zubereitung und Behandlung mehr noch zum Ackerbau und trug in fruchtbaren Jahren 10 bis 15fältige Frucht. Zur Verschönerung der baumlosen Steppe ist am nördlichen Ende des Dorfes dicht an der Molotschna auf den Wunsch Sr. Majestät Alexander I. bei dessen hochgeschätztem Besuch in den hiesigen Kolonien im Jahr 1825 ein Wald von 10 1/2 Dess. angepflanzt, wozu von Sr. Exzellenz dem Staatsrat Herrn Kontenius und dem hiesigen landwirtschaftlichen Verein von auswärts Sämereien bezogen wurden. Auch hat ein jeder Landwirt unter der Leitung des Vereins 1 Dess. mit verschiedenen Obstbäumen auf seiner Feuerstelle als Garten bepflanzt.

Den Namen Halbstadt gab der damalige Oberschulz Klaas Wiens dieser Kolonie ohne besondere Veranlassung auf den Wunsch der Ansiedler nach der Benennung eines Dorfes in Preussen, in welchem einige derselben gewohnt hatten.

Die Häuser wurden mehrenteils schon im ersten Sommer von mit zubereitetem Lehm ausgefülltem Fachwerk gebaut. Zur Unterstützung bekam jeder Ansiedler von der hohen Krone das zu einem Wohnhause erforderliche Bauholz und 125 Rbl. Banko als Vorschuß zum Ankauf von Vieh und Ackergeräten. Dieser Vorschuß sollte ohne Zinsen laut der Einwanderungsukase nach den gnädigst bewilligten zehn Freijahren in den zehn darauffolgenden Jahren zurückgezahlt werden. Ihre eigenen vom Auslande hergebrachten Mittel bestanden hauptsächlich nur in Pferden, Wagen und einigem Rindvieh. An baarem Gelde hatte die Mehrzahl kaum das Nötige zur Reise; und diese dürftigen Umstände erschwerten die Ansiedlung sehr. Die Einnahme war eine Reihe von Jahren in jeder Hinsicht äußerst klein. Die Produkte des Feldes waren nicht abzusetzen, weil kein Handel stattfand. Der Weizen wurde in Mariupol höchstens zu 5 Rbl. Banko das Tschetwert gekauft. Bei solchen Preisen sah der Landmann seine Arbeit nicht bezahlt und baute Getreide nur zu wirtschaftlichem Gebrauch an.

Bei dieser geringen Einnahme konnte die Bewohner weder Möbel noch wirtschaftliche Geräte anschaffen, sondern verfertigten solches zum notwendigsten Bedarf meistens selbst, wodurch kein Handwerk und Gewerbe emporkommen konnte. Nach und nach gewährte der Verkauf von Butter und Käse, die bei uns Mennoniten gut zubereitet werden, eine ziemliche Einnahme, die noch durch den zwar seltenen Verkauf von Pferden und Rindvieh etwas vergrößert wurden. Nach und nach gewährte der Verkauf von Butter und Käse, die bei uns Mennoniten gut zubereitet werden, eine ziemliche Einnahme, die noch durch den zwar seltenen Verkauf von Pferden und Rindvieh etwas vergrößert wurden.

Die Grundlage des Wohlstandes wurde die Schafzucht, welche wir der unermüdlichen und väterlichen Fürsorge des Herrn Kontenius zu danken haben. Die Preise der Wolle stiegen, und Veredelung und Verbesserung der Schafzucht war nun das Hauptaugenmerk der Bewohner. In den Jahren 1835 und 1836 stieg das Pud Wolle auf 45 R. [91] Banko. So wurde die Schafzucht für eine Reihe von Jahren eine Quelle reichlicher Einnahmen.

Ein anderes höchst wichtiges Ereignis für diese Gegend ist die Anlegung der Seestadt Berdjansk, wofür wir uns der hohen Regierung zu innigem Dank verpflichtet fühlen. Seit einem Jahrzehnt blüht nun ein weit verbreiteter Handel in dieser Stadt. Mit gutem Gewinn konnte nun der Landmann die Produkte seines Landes dorthin absetzen. Das gab ihm neuen Mut und neues Leben. Mit Lust und doppeltem Fleiß betrieb und verbesserte er nun den Ackerbau, wobei ihn der landwirtschaftliche Verein unterstützte. Durch die ganz allgemein eingeführte Schwarzbrache wurde der Acker bei Kraft erhalten. Durch die ganz allgemein eingeführte Schwarzbrache wurde der Acker bei Kraft erhalten. Auch durch die Verbesserung der Pferde- und Rindviehzucht wurde der Wohlstand einigermaßen gehoben.

Dagegen aber hat diese Kolonie und ihre Schwestern auch wieder Zeiten und Umstände erlebt, die dem Fortschritt des Wohlstandes ganz und gar entgegen waren.

In den Jahren 1812, 1813 und 1821 fiel die Ernte so gering aus, daß die Bewohner sich und ihr Vieh nur mühsam durchbrachten. 1833 war ein gänzlicher Mißwachs, es wurde weder Getreide noch Futter für Vieh geerntet, und es entstand ein großer Mangel. Aus Mangel an Weide auf der Steppe, die beinahe schwarz war, und infolge der dazugekommenen Viehseuche fiel schon im Spätsommer der größte Teil des Rindviehes und von dem durchgewinterten Vieh raubte einen Teil das rauhe Frühlingswetter. Brotgetreide für die Dürftigen wurde mit von wohlhabenden Bewohnern geliehenen Geldern in Polen angekauft. Das Pud Weizenmehl hat bis 5 R. Banko gegolten. 1834 wurde auch nur wieder die Aussaat geerntet.

1823 und 1824 zerstörten große Heuschreckenschwärme die an sich geringe und 1827 eine hoffnungsvolle Ernte.

1829 und 1833 raffte die Viehseuche den Bewohnern durchschnittlich den größten Teil des Viehbestandes hinweg, während 1839 ein Teil von diesem Verlust verschont blieb.

[92] Im Winter von 1824 auf 1825 litt die Gemeinde an einem fürchterlichen Schneejagen, doch nicht in dem Grade und so ununterbrochen anhaltend, wie in den Kolonien an dem östlichen Ende des Bezirks. Obgleich schon im Herbst der größte Teil des Viehes der Mißernte wegen für sehr billige Preise hatte müssen verkauft werden, so konnte man doch das übrige des ungestümen Wetters wegen nicht alles retten, weil das äußerst wenige Futter tief im Schnee begraben lag und das Stroh von den Dächern nicht auslangte und auch zu schlecht war. Daher verlor die Gemeinde fast all ihr Vieh.

Im Juni 1845 richtete ein starker Hagelregen, worunter Stücke 3/4 Pfund wogen, auf den Feldern einigen Schaden an; aber Anfangs Juli zerschlug ein zweiter Hagelregen die beinahe reifen Gersten- und Roggenfelder. Die Arbusenfelder, die ebenfalls zerstört waren, erholten sich wieder.

1821 starben viele Einwohner an einem starken Nervenfieber.

1836 am 11. Januar ½10 Uhr Abends war hier ein starkes Erdbeben, welches aber keinen Schaden verursachte.

Als nützliche Anlagen zählt die Kolonie eine Bierbraurei seit 1809, eine Brennerei mit einem Dampfapparat, 3 Essigbraüreien, eine Wassermühle seit 1810, 2 Färbereien, eine Tuchfabrik, welche 1815 und 1816 gebaut wurde, 1839 abbrannte und 1842 wieder schöner und vollkommener aufgebaut wurde. Zu dieser Fabrik sind von der hohen Krone 3000 Dessj. Land, im hiesigen Bezirk gelegen, geschenkt worden. 1816 wurde das Gebietsamt hierher versetzt. Auch befindet sich hier seit vielen Jahren eine bedeutende Handlung von verschiedenen Schnittwaren, Holz, Eisen und vielen anderen für die Bewohner notwendigen Sachen und Materialien.

1837 wurde die Kolonialgemeinde Halbstadt im Schulzenamte von dem Vorsitzer des landwirtschaftlichen Vereins Johann Cornies und dem Oberschulz Johann Regier um Erlaubnis gefragt, eine Handwerkerkolonie aus 200 Handwerkern bestehend am östlichen Ende von Halbstadt anzulegen, wozu von der Gemeinde 50 Dessj. Land zum Anbau und für 200 Stück Vieh Weide verlangt wurde, was die Gemeinde laut Gemeindespruch unter der Bedingung bewilligte, wenn sie als Entschädigung an der südöstlichen Grenze ihres Landes 600 Dessj. vom angrenzenden Kronslande zugemessen bekäme, um 200 Stück ihres Viehes dahin versetzen und das Vieh der Handwerker mit ihrem übrigen Vieh gemeinschaftlich weiden zu können. Das wurde 1841 vom Fürsorgekomitee bestätigt und 1842 die Handwerkerkolonie angelegt.

Mit Hohen Besuchen ist die Kolonie beehrt worden:

1818 von Sr. Majestaet Kaiser Alexander I. Hoechst derselbe geruhte einige Augenblicke bei der Tuchfabrik abzusteigen und sie zu besehen.

1837 von Sr. Kaiserlichen Hoheit dem Thronfolger Alexander Nikolajewitsch.

1841 von Ihrer Kaiserlichen Hoheit der Großfürstin Helena Pawlowna, welche bei dem hiesigen Bewohner und derzeitigen Gebietsbeisitzer Johann Neufeld zu nächtigen geruhte.

1845 von Sr. Kaiserlichen Hoheit dem Großfürsten Konstantin Nikolajewitsch, welcher ebenfalls die Tuchfabrik besichtigte.

1841 von Sr. Erlaucht dem Minister der Reichsdomänen General-Adjutanten Grafen Kisselew.

1828 und 1835 von Sr. Erlaucht dem Kriegsgouverneur Grafen Woronzow, welcher auch die Tuchfabrik besichtigte.

Schulz David Friesen

Beisitzer Heinrich Nikkel, Johann Esau

Schullehrer Andreas Voth

Halbstadt im April 1848

Work Cited

Woltner, Margarete. 1941. Die Gemeindeberichte von 1848 der deutschen Siedlungen am Schwarzen Meer. Sammlung Georg Leibbrandt 4. Leipzig: Hirzel.

Franztal 22

The previous post compared three lists—the 1835 Molotschna census, our list of 1819 immigrants from Przechovka, and Peter Rempel’s list of 1819 settlers—in order to begin to identify Franztal’s founding settlers. A comparison of the names in these sources revealed thirteen of the twenty-three landowners in Franztal, including Wirtschaften 3, 5, 6, 8, 10, 11, 14, 15, 17, 18, 19, 22, 24. This post will work through the remaining Wirtschaften to see if we can identify the other ten owners.

Our procedure will be straightforward. We will identify the Wirtschaft by number and give the name of the person who lived there according to the 1835 census. We will survey the available evidence about that person—and any others listed at the same location—and draw whatever conclusions we can about who first settled that Wirtschaft.

1. Gerhard Heinrich Dirks (GM 61557) moved to this plot from Rudnerweide in 1828, so we know he was not the original settler. The census does not list any other inhabitants, so we cannot suggest who first owned this Wirtschaft.

2. Jacob Johann Neufeld (GM 61562) moved to this plot from Grossweide either in 1820 (so his entry under Grossweide) or 1829 (so his entry under Franztal). This discrepancy is at least in the English translation of the census, perhaps also in the original. If Neufeld moved to Franztal in 1820, he was the original settler of this plot; if he moved in 1829, he was not, and we are unable to suggest some other candidate.

4. Peter Jacob Pankratz is apparently GM 43141, since the name of the father, wife, and daughter on the census matches the information given for this individual. Peter was born in 1806, which means he was fourteen when Franztal was founded. Clearly, he was not an original landowner. Interestingly, he had a connection with our family. Peter’s father Jacob (GM 43069) died in 1808, after which his mother Ancke Pankratzen (GM 32957) married Jacob Peter Buller (GM 318737; for a post documenting the confusion that surrounds Jacob, see here). She died in 1813 while still in Prussia, and Peter Pankratz was presumably left with his stepfather Jacob Buller. What is curious is that Peter Pankratz is not listed with Jacob Buller when the latter emigrated in 1820 (Rempel 2007, 172). What happened to Peter Pankratz that he did not emigrate with Jacob Buller? It is tempting to think that this Peter was one of the drivers named Peter Pankratz within the 1819 traveling party (see here). How and when he came to own Franztal 4 is unknown, as is the identity of the original owner of the Wirtschaft.

5. Although we already identified Peter Andreas Richert (GM 48279) as the original owner, it is worth mentioning that he died in 1821. His plot was taken over by Peter Peter Janzen (GM 29972), who moved to Franztal 5 from Rudnerweide in 1822. We should also note that Jacob Jacob Buller (GM 5587) lived at this plot from 1820 until he moved to Alexanderwohl in 1822. This Jacob was the son of Jacob Peter Buller mentioned in number 4 above.

7. The census reports that Jacob Jacob Goerz (GM 61582) emigrated to Molotschna in 1821 and then moved from Tiegerweide to Franztal in 1822. Therefore, he was not among the original twenty-three landowners, and we have no clues as to the original settler of this Wirtschaft. 

9. Dietrich David Block (GM 61603) left Prussia for Russia in 1818 (Unruh 1955, 360; Rempel 2007, 109). He is not listed at any other Molotschna village, so it is reasonable to think that he settled first in Franztal and was one of the original landowners. 

12. Peter Peter Ratzlaff (GM 47898) was twenty-two in 1835, so he was six when his family moved to Molotschna in 1819. His father Peter Heinrich Ratzlaff was the original owner of Franztal 6, so the most reasonable explanation is that the son Peter took over Franztal 12 when he established his own family. We have no further evidence as to who was the founding owner.

13. Andreas Jacob Pankratz (GM 43136) came to Molotschna late. According to Rempel (2007, 172), he received a passport in 1820 but was unable to sell his possessions and so stayed in Prussia. Later (2007, 194) we read that a second visa was issued in 1824. The English translation of the census states that he moved to Molotschna in 1829, but one wonders if the 4 has been misread as a 9 (Steve Fast’s list of census corrections does not indicate any error; see here). Whichever date is correct, we can conclude that Pankratz was not an original landowner.

16. The census reports that Kornelius Kornelius Siemens (GM 61663) emigrated to Russia in 1817, which is confirmed by Rempel (2007, 106). The census further states that he moved to Franztal from Ohrloff in 1820. The Kornelius Siemens listed at Ohrloff 22 appears to be a different individual (and, contra GM and the index here, I see no Kornelius Siemens listed at Ohrloff 25). Assuming that the Franztal listing is correct, Siemens was an original landowner in Franztal.

20. According to the census, Heinrich Peter Janzen (GM 225175) moved to Molotschna in 1817 (see also Rempel 2007, 105). The census adds that he moved to Franztal from Lindenau 30, where he was apparently landless in 1820. Janzen was thus one of Franztal’s founding landowners.

21. Peter Peter Janzen (GM 61689) is reported to have emigrated in 1819 (neither Rempel nor Unruh lists him in any records). He is not listed in any other village, so we may conclude that he settled first in Franztal and was one of the original landowners. His residency there was short, however, since he passed away in 1822. Franztal 21 passed to his second son, Klaas, who continued to live there at least through 1857, after which the property apparently passed to Klaas’s son Jacob (see the voter lists here). 

23. According to the census (also Unruh 1955, 370), Peter Jacob Schmidt (GM 61708) emigrated in 1822 and resided first in Alexanderwohl; he moved to Franztal 23 in 1824. He was therefore not one of the original landowners.

This exercise has enabled us to identify at least four, possibly five, more original landowners, but five or six remain unknown. In the next post we will recap what we have learned thus far and make some concluding observations about the nature of the sources on which we must rely.

Works Cited

Rempel. Peter. 2007. Mennonite Migration to Russia, 1788–1828. Edited by Alfred H. Redekopp and Richard D. Thiessen. Winnepeg: Manitoba Mennonite Historical Society.

Unruh, Benjamin H. 1955. Die niederlandisch-niederdeutschen Hintergründe der mennonitischen Ostwanderungen im 16., 18. und 19. Jahrhundert. Karlsruhe-Rüppurr: self-published.