Halbstadt 4

Before we turn to the paragraph of the community report that is the focus of this post, a comment is in order about a translation choice in the preceding one. There, in phrases that described Klaas Wiens and David Hiebert, I rendered the the German word Kolonie with the English village: “a settler in the village Altonau and … a settler in the village Lindenau.” A more wooden translation would have used English colony for German Kolonie, and there would be a certain logic in doing so, namely, reflecting the fact that the Gemeindebericht did not use the usual German words for village: Dorf or Ortschaft.

So why did the authors of the report (and nearly everyone else referring to the Molotschna villages) use Kolonie instead of the more commonly used words? It seems that Kolonie was the preferred German term for a village that had been created for a particular reason or by a particular group, mostly likely in the recent past. A village that had existed for or grown up over a long time was a Dorf or Ortschaft; a village that had been founded by new immigrants or even for artisans or a group of workers such as miners was a Kolonie. Because all three terms refer to what English speakers understand as a village, I plan to continue using that term to translate German Kolonie.

With that brief detour concluded, we are ready to move forward, as are the Mennonite travelers in this section of the Gemeindebericht:

Already on the journey, in the border and governate city of Grodno, these immigrants enjoyed a special favor and benefaction from the Russian high crown: each family was given 50 bank rubles. Moreover, they were also given traveling money from there on for forty days—20 kopeks currency for every soul over twelve years and 10 kopeks currency for every soul under twelve years—as well as funds for food after their arrival up to the first harvest: 8 kopeks currency for each soul.

border and governate city of Grodno. The city (German Stadt) of Grodno was, as the report indicates, on the border between West Prussia and Russia. Grodno had been part of Poland (the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth), but Russia had annexed it during the third partition of Poland (1795). Grodno was also the seat of the Grodno Governate (Russian gubernia) and thus home to government offices and officials. The map below shows the location of Grodno in relation to two important areas. The immigrants had begun their journey from the area to the south and east of Danzig (modern Gdańsk). The distance to Grodno was approximately 175 miles. Their ultimate destination was Molotschna, which is marked by the yellow pin in the extreme lower right; it lay another another 675 miles to the southeast.

The reference to Grodno also tells us that the 1803–1804 immigrants did not follow the same route as the earlier one that led to the founding of Chortitza. The general route of that migration is traced in the map below. The Chortitza Mennonites first sailed from Danzig to the coastal city Riga, some 275 miles away. From there they traveled southeast to a village named Dubrovna on the Dnieper (Dnipro) River, where they spent the winter. The route then followed along the Dnieper, with some traveling overland in carts and others floating downstream on barges provided by the Russian government. Their destination was 500 miles to the south-southeast, marked by the red dot in the lower right corner of the map (Molotschna is the yellow pin below it). The route taken by the Molotschna founders was clearly more direct (indicated by the black arrow).

special favor and benefaction. The treatment received was not unusual but was special in the sense of gracious and generous. Countless other immigrants of various faiths and nationalities received similar funding from the Russian tsar, but that did not diminish the gratitude that these travelers felt for the gift.

50 bank rubles. In 1704, Peter the Great (1672–1725) reformed Russia’s monetary system by issuing two different types of coins. The base unit of currency was the silver ruble; the ruble was equal to 100 kopeks. Although originally Russian kopeks were only copper, by the early 1800s they were issued in copper and silver, depending on the value of the coin: copper for .25, .5, 1, 2, and 5 kopeks; silver for 5, 10, 25, and 50 kopeks. In 1768, Catherine the Great (1729–1796) established the Assignation Bank, whose purpose was to issue paper rubles in various denominations. The Russian Empire’s silver reserves were low due to military expenditures, so issuance of paper rubles was Catherine’s solution to keeping currency circulating even though Russia did not have the precious metal (silver) to back the paper. Why is this information important for understanding the community report? The 50 bank rubles given to each immigrant family were paper money, not silver coins. Not surprisingly, the paper money was generally worth less than the silver coins. In the 1830s, for example, it took 3 bank rubles to equal the value of 1 silver ruble (Morgenstern 1923, 585).

The report does not explain why each family received 50 rubles. Some suggest that this was meant to pay for fodder to feed the animals, which is a reasonable and likely explanation (see Rempel 2007, vi).

given from there on for forty days. The Russian crown gave the 50 bank rubles to each family as a one-time grant. In addition, the immigrants were given a specified amount per day for each person in the traveling party for a period of forty days. The report labels this Zehrgeld, or traveling money. It seems reasonable to deduce from this that the journey from Grodno to Molotscha was expected to take around forty days.

20 kopeks currency … and 10 kopeks currency. The amount given each day depended on the age of the person for whom it was intended: 20 kopeks for each person twelve years and older; 10 kopeks for each person younger than twelve years. Thus an adult received, in total, 8 bank rubles over this forty-day period: 20 kopeks x 40 days = 800 kopeks = 8 rubles.

UPDATE: The community report is incorrect with regard to the amounts received; Russian immigration records indicate that the funding was 25 and 10 kopeks, respectively. See further here. 

funds for food. The report does not state explicitly the purpose of the grant of money for the forty-day period, but it was likely for the same reason given here: food.

after their arrival up to the first harvest: 8 kopeks currency for each soul. As we all know, feeding a family at home generally costs less than feeding them on the road. This presumably explains the reduced amount provided once the people arrived at their destination: 8 kopeks a day for each person regardless of age. The report does not state that this was a daily allowance, but the context clearly implies it.

The Mennonite travelers are well on their way by the end of this paragraph of the community report: they have entered Russian territory and been provided funding to complete the final legs of their journey. The report does not mention that the immigrants were expected to pay back the monies received after a ten-year grace period. Apparently the Russian officials at Grodno had kept the original immigrants just as ignorant of that fact before they sent them on their way.

Works Cited

Morgenstern, William. 1923. “The Settlement of Bessarabia, Russia, by the Germans.” Translated by J. C. Ruppenthal. Collections of the Kansas State Historical Society 15:579–90. Available online here.

Rempel. Peter. 2007. Mennonite Migration to Russia, 1788–1828. Edited by Alfred H. Redekopp and Richard D. Thiessen. Winnepeg: Manitoba Mennonite Historical Society.

Halbstadt 3

The translation of the Halbstadt Gemeindebericht moves forward, with a paragraph or more added each week. For the translation and the original German of the document, see here.

The paragraph on which this post will comment consists of a single sentence:

These immigrants did not have specific leaders, but two from among them—Klaas Wiens, later a settler in the village Altonau, and David Hiebert, a settler in the village Lindenau—more or less held the rudder in their hands.

By way of recap, thus far the community report has explained why the West Prussian Mennonites wished to relocate (the Prussian king Frederick William III had issued a decree limiting their ability to purchase land), reminded readers that a large number of Mennonites had emigrated to New Russia (Chortitza) already in 1789, and stated in summary fashion that a significant number (over three hundred families), which included the original founders of Halbstadt, made the trek to New Russia in 1803 and 1804. We pick up the story at that point.

These immigrants. The reference is to the more than three hundred families who emigrated in 1803 and 1804.

did not have specific leaders. This comment probably hints at a difference between the 1789 migration and this one. In 1789, the Mennonites who left West Prussia and eventually settled in Chortitza were led by Jakob Höppner and Johann Bartsch, who had toured and surveyed potential settlement spots before the move. The 1803 and 1804 migration, by contrast, did not have such recognized leaders.

Klaas Wiens. The German original contains an error here, since it reads “Klaas und Wiens” (Klaas and Wiens). The individual in view is not, however, in any doubt. Klaas Klaas Wiens (GM 47057) was born 16 February 1768 and died 31 December 1820. He was an original settler of Altonau and the first Oberschulz (district mayor) of the Molotschna colony. See further the GAMEO article on him here.

David Hiebert. This is presumably David Jacob Hiebert (GM 266749), who was born 12 December 1774 and died 14 January 1852. According to the 1806 census (see here), he and his family resided in Lindenau Wirtschaft 15. The census also reports that the family owned five horses, fourteen cattle, and ten pigs; their farm and household equipment included a plow, two harrows, two wagons, and a spinning wheel. On 21 May 1818, David Hiebert and his wife Agatha were privileged to host Tsar Alexander I in their home (see Entz 1970).

held the rudder in their hands. The community report offers a nice visual to characterize the informal leadership of these two men: they guided the entire group of travelers (which was certainly divided into a substantial number of smaller groups of families of varying sizes) as one guides a boat, steering it toward its destination.

This section of the report offers a general description of how the future Halbstadt settlers made it from West Prussia all the way to Molotschna. Before the report narrates the settlers’ arrival at their new home, however, it will recount some good fortune that they experienced along the way.

Work Cited

Entz, J. E. 1970. “A Diamond Ring from the Czar.” Mennonite Life 25:185–86. Available online here.

Halbstadt 2

The opening sentences of the Halbstadt community report (see here) set the stage for the ensuing history of the village. In 1801, the Prussian king Frederick William III decreed that Mennonites could not buy any property from non-Mennonites. As a result, the Mennonite communities of West Prussia (formerly Poland) did not have sufficient land for the new families of their ever-growing population. The next section of the report sets the stage for and then reports the Mennonite response.

Now Mennonites had already immigrated to south Russia at the request of Her Majesty the Empress Catherine. On the basis of this request and of the privileges granted by His Majesty Emperor Paul, Most High, on 6 September 1800, to the Mennonites who had settled in the Chortitza district in the Yekaterinoslav Governorate, a significant number of families from the Kingdom of Prussia—the province of West Prussia and the administrative districts of Marienwerder and Danzig—emigrated in 1803 and 1804 to south Russia, where they settled in the Taurida Governorate. (For the full translation and German original, see here.)

Mennonites had already immigrated. Over a decade before the 1801 decree, in 1789, more than two hundred Mennonite families, mostly from the Danzig area, had left Poland to establish the Chortitza colony (see Bergmann and Krahn 1955). Their experience offered both a precedent and encouragement for those who founded Halbstadt to do the same.

south Russia. The use of this geographical designation is a little surprising, since one might expect the term New Russia. However, the terms overlap to some extent, and there is no doubt as to the meaning. As is made explicit below, the Chortitza colony is in view.

Empress Catherine. Catherine II (the Great) reigned from 1762 until her death in 1796. It was during her rule that the territory known as New Russia (Novorossiya) became part of the Russian Empire. Because the new territory was largely unsettled (although not uninhabited, as seminomadic Nogai lived in the region) in 1764 Catherine invited a number of European peoples, including Romanians, Bulgarians, Serbs, Greeks, Poles, Italians, and Germans, to colonize the area. The Mennonite emigration to Russia was part of this broader invitation and movement of peoples to the east.

Emperor Paul, Most High. When Catherine died, her son Paul seized the throne (probably against her wishes, as she favored his son and her grandson, Alexander). Paul reigned fewer than five years and was killed in a palace coup in March 1801. He was then succeeded by Alexander, after whom the Mennonite village Alexanderwohl was named. Still, Paul played a significant role in Russian Mennonite history (see next), which may explain why he is given the appellation Most High (see “Most High Declaration” in the post Halbstadt 1). 

privileges granted … on 6 September 1800. The reference here is to the privilegium, or charter of privileges, that Tsar Paul issued in September 1800, so a little more than a year before Frederick William III limited the ability of West Prussian Mennonites to acquire land. The Russian privilegium codified and guaranteed the rights of Mennonites who settled within New Russia. The charter begins:

Condescending to the petition of the Mennonites settled in the New Russian government, whose excellent industry and morality may, according to the testimony of the authorities, be held up as a model to the foreigners settled there and thereby deserve special consideration, now therefore with this Imperial Charter We most graciously wish not only to confirm all their rights and advantages specified in the preliminary agreement concluded with them, but in order co stimulate their industry and concern in agriculture even more, to grant them also other advantages, as follows…. (Urry 1989, 282)

The charter goes on to guarantee Mennonites the freedom to practice their religion according to their tenets and customs, the right to possess and pass on to their descendants the 65 dessiatins granted to each family, the option of giving simple assent instead of being required to take an oath, and exemption from military service, among other privileges important to Mennonites. The charter was directed first to the Mennonites of the Chortitza colony, but it presumably extended “to all those [Mennonites] who come to Russia in the future” (§3).

Yekaterinoslav Governorate. The Russian Empire was subdivided into administrative districts known as guberniyas, also known as governorates or provinces. New Russia (modern Ukraine) comprised nine guberniyas, two of which are of interest to us: Yekaterinoslav (or Ekaterinoslav) and Taurida. In the map below (modified from an original created by Alex Tora), Yekaterinoslav is shown in yellow; Taurida (which includes Crimea) is the green area below it. 

The Chortitza colony was located within Yekaterinoslav; the Molotschna colony was within Taurida (see further below). 

significant number of families. According to Woltner (1941, 88 n. 5), 310 Mennonite families entered Russia during 1803–1804. Rempel lists 359 Mennonite families who moved to Russia during those years (2007, 57–95). Whatever the actual figure, the number of families was indeed significant.

Kingdom of Prussia … province of West Prussia … administrative districts of Marienwerder and Danzig. The geographical description moves from the general to the specific. The Kingdom of Prussia was made up of a number of provinces. The province West Prussia contained territory that Prussia had acquired from the first partion of Poland in 1772. Each province was further divided into administrative districts. The Mennonite immigrants referenced in the Halbstadt Gemeindebericht came from Danzig and Marienwerder (see the map of West Prussia below). For reference, our family lived in the Schwetz district to the southeast of Marienwerder, in Przechówko. The Przechówko church was on the west bank of the Vistula River; Marienwerder was on the east side.

emigrated in 1803 and 1804 to south Russia. The community report provides a summary statement of the emigration at the end of this paragraph, then adds details in the following paragraphs. It seems that the summary has the broader migration in view, not merely that which led to the founding of Halbstadt. Note again the reference to south Russia rather than New Russia.

settled in the Taurida Governorate. As noted above, Chortitza was located within the Yekaterinoslav Governorate, Molotschna within the Taurida Governorate (see first map above).

By the end of its first paragraph, the Halbstadt report has set the stage for the story of the founding of the village. The founders were part of a large group of Mennonite families who left West Prussia to escape increasing pressure to abandon an important tenet of their faith. At the invitation and encouragement of the Russian government, they traveled to the southern part of New Russia to settle the wilderness and start new lives.

Works Cited

Bergmann, Cornelius, and Cornelius Krahn. 1955. Chortitza Mennonite Settlement (Zaporizhia Oblast, Ukraine). Global Anabaptist Mennonite Encyclopedia Online. Available online here.

Rempel. Peter. 2007. Mennonite Migration to Russia, 1788–1828. Edited by Alfred H. Redekopp and Richard D. Thiessen. Winnepeg: Manitoba Mennonite Historical Society.

Urry, James. 1989. None but Saints: The Transformation of Mennonite Life in Russia 1789–1889. Winnipeg: Hyperion.

Woltner, Margarete. 1941. Die Gemeindeberichte von 1848 der deutschen Siedlungen am Schwarzen Meer. Sammlung Georg Leibbrandt 4. Leipzig: Hirzel.

Halbstadt 1

As noted in the introductory post (here), Halbstadt was one of the first nine villages founded when the Molotschna settlement came into existence in 1804. However, Halbstadt was not merely a founding village; it was also one of the most important villages in the colony. By 1848, for example, when the report was written, Halbstadt had been the seat of district administration for over three decades. Halbstadt was also home to a significant number of industries and a teacher training school (see Klassen and Krahn). 

Given its prominence, it is not surprising that Halbstadt submitted by far the longest community report, roughly double the length of the next longest report. With that as background, we are ready to begin working our way through the Halbstadt Gemeindebericht. The report begins with the circumstances that led to the village’s founding.

According to the Most High Declaration of 1801, the Mennonites in the Kingdom of Prussia were not permitted to expand their properties or to purchase others in addition to their current ones, because, in accordance with their beliefs, they could not submit themselves to the canton obligation. As a result, they found themselves in distressed circumstances as the number of families increased.

Most High Declaration. The German “Allerhöchster Deklaration” has the feel of a technical legal term. In German, adjectives such as Allerhöchster are typically not capitalized; one exception to this rule is when the adjective is used in a legal context, as here. Interestingly, the declaration being referenced (see 1801 below) uses a similar term, “Verordnung Allerhöchst” (highest decree), which may indicate that those writing the Halbstadt community report had some familiarity with the actual decree—or perhaps the language of royal declarations of that time. Interestingly, later in this same paragraph the Russian emperor Paul is referred to as “Allerhöchst,” or Most High. The repetition of the same adjective may hint that the highest declaration of the Prussian king, Frederick William III, was trumped by a yet higher ruler, Tsar Paul.

1801. The declaration in view here is clearly that issued by Frederick William III on 17 December 1801 (for a translation, see Jantzen 2010, 262–64). That declaration was actually a clarification of an edict that his father, Frederick William II, had issued a decade earlier, on 30 July 1789 (Jantzen 2010, 256–60), and a subsequent regulation dated 12 February 1792 (German original available here). Each of these three documents merits a detailed discussion, but for the moment it is enough to to note that the December 1801 declaration prohibited Mennonites who refused to be registered for military service from acquiring additional land.

Expand their properties … purchase others in addition to their current ones. The limitation as described by the community report contains two elements, but the details are not immediately clear. Fortunately, the 1801 declaration itself provides additional clarity:

Those Mennonites, however, who continue to reject the common obligation to defend the fatherland will not be allowed in the future to increase their holdings in number or size and thereby to use the advantages associated with their freedom from military registration to displace Christians who are more useful to the state. (translation from Jantzen 2010, 262)

First, Mennonites who refused to be enrolled on the canton list were not permitted to expand the size of their current properties, presumably by adding property adjoining their current holdings (e.g., buying a 40-acre field that adjoins a 40 that one already owns). Second, these Mennonites were also barred from increasing the number of the landholdings, that is, by buying new plots of land that did not adjoin their current holdings. Paragraph 4 of the 1801 decree further clarifies:

Accordingly no Mennonite who is not ready to give up the military exemption will be granted a permit to acquire any type of property, rural or urban, that is not already the property of a Mennonite at the time of publication of this edict.… (translation from Jantzen 2010, 263)

The phrase “that is not already the property of a Mennonite” is key. As the decree goes on to explain, and as is made explicit in a later declaration, Mennonites could sell property among themselves, since a sale from one Mennonite to another had no effect on the number of men who could be called up to serve in the military from a particular area. What was not permitted was sale of land from a non-Mennonite to a Mennonite, since that would reduce the number of people obliged to serve.

they could not submit themselves to the canton obligation. The Prussian canton system also warrants an extended discussion, but for now it is enough to highlight a few points. In the mid-eighteenth century King Frederick William I instituted the cantonal system for military recruitment. The Prussian kingdom was divided into cantons, areas encompassing roughly five thousand hearths each (each house had at least one hearth, although some had more). Each canton was assigned an army regiment, and males within a certain age range within that canton were enlisted on the regiment’s roll and then could be called up to serve with that regiment. As a matter of faith, Mennonites were not to engage in military activity, so they could not participate in the cantonal system.

they found themselves in distressed circumstances as the number of families increased. The German phrase translated “distressed circumstances” carries the idea of something being pressed or compressed. In this case, crowding an ever-increasing number of families into the same space created an unsustainable and ultimately intolerable situation: too many people pressed into too small a space.

The first two sentences of the community report provide significant background on the events that led to the founding of Halbstadt: in 1801, the Prussian king Frederick William III decreed that Mennonites who wished to retain their exemption from the cantonal system would not be permitted to acquire additional land from non-Mennonites; Mennonites could purchase land only from other Mennonites who already claimed the military exemption. The result of this policy was predictable: as the Mennonite population increased, the percentage of families with access to land decreased. How the Mennonites responded is the subject of the next sentences in the community report, which we will take up in the next post.

Works Cited

Jantzen, Mark. 2010. Mennonite German Soldiers: Nation, Religion, and Family in the Prussian East, 1772–1880. Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame Press.

Klassen, Abraham, and Cornelius Krahn. 1956. Halbstadt (Molotschna Mennonite Settlement, Zaporizhia Oblast, Ukraine). Global Anabaptist Mennonite Encyclopedia Online. 1956. Available online here.

Halbstadt 0

In an attempt to return to a somewhat regular blogging schedule, I recently decided to work slowly through the 1848 Gemeindeberichte, or community reports, from Molotschna. As before with Franztal (see here), I will first offer a translation of the German, then follow with commentary on points of interest or matters that require explanation. We will work through the reports in the order in which Woltner (1941) presents them. We thus begin with Halbstadt, one of the first nine villages founded when the Molotschna settlement came into existence in 1804. 

This Halbstadt 0 post will contain only the translation and the German original below. I will update the post each time I finish translating another section. When all is said and done, the entire translation will be available in this one post. For the accompanying commentary, see the posts Halbstadt 1–.

Translation

According to the Most High Declaration of 1801, the Mennonites in the Kingdom of Prussia were not permitted to expand their properties or to purchase others in addition to their current ones, because, in accordance with their beliefs, they could not submit themselves to the canton obligation. As a result, they found themselves in distressed circumstances as the number of families increased. Now Mennonites had already immigrated to south Russia at the request of Her Majesty the Empress Catherine. On the basis of this request and of the privileges granted by His Majesty Emperor Paul, Most High, on 6 September 1800, to the Mennonites who had settled in the Chortitza district in the Yekaterinoslav Governorate, a significant number of families from the Kingdom of Prussia—the province of West Prussia and the administrative districts of Marienwerder and Danzig—emigrated in 1803 and 1804 to south Russia, where they settled in the Taurida Governorate.

These immigrants did not have specific leaders, but two from among them—Klaas Wiens, later a settler in the village Altonau, and David Hiebert, a settler in the village Lindenau—more or less held the rudder in their hands.

Already on the journey, in the border and governate city of Grodno, these immigrants enjoyed a special favor and benefaction from the Russian high crown: each family was given 50 bank rubles. Moreover, they were also given traveling money from there on for forty days—20 kopeks currency for every soul over twelve years and 10 kopeks currency for every soul under twelve years—as well as funds for food after their arrival up to the first harvest, namely, 8 kopeks currency for each soul.

Among these immigrants were also the twenty-one families who founded the village Halbstadt. After spending most of the winter in the Chortitza Mennonite district, they arrived in the spring of 1804 on the steppe assigned to them for settlement by the military governor, the Duke of Richelieu, and the chairman of the Yekaterinoslav Office for Foreign Settlers, Mr. Contenius. The steppe was used at that time partly by the crown peasants of the parish village Grosstokmak, lying 10 versts away, and partly by wandering Nogais.

The village was founded in the insignificant lowland on the left bank of the steppe river Molochna, which originates as the Tokmak 25 versts outside of the border of the district on a significant mountain hill and runs until 2 versts before this village, where the tributary Schönhull empties into it, and from there on it is called the Molochna. It is 40 versts from the former district city, Orikhiv; approximately 120 versts from the current district city, Berdiansk; and approximately 330 versts from the gubernia city, Simferopol.

This steppe was completely free of houses or dwellings of any kind. The soil in the lowland consists of a mixture of peat, loam, and sand; the slightly higher steppe, except for the black earth upper layer from 1 to 1.5 feet deep, only of loam. The growth of grass on the hay steppes was, on average, only mediocre; by contrast, the pasture for horses, cattle, and sheep was strong and nourishing. However, with good preparation and treatment, the soil was particularly suitable for cultivation and bore, in fruitful years, a harvest of ten- to fifteenfold. To beautify the treeless steppe, a wooded area of 10.5 dessiatines was planted at the north end of the village close to the Molotschna; this was at the request of His Majesty Alexander I during his highly esteemed visit to the local villages in 1825. Seeds from abroad were obtained for this purpose by His Excellency State Councillor Mr. Contenius and the local Agricultural Society. In addition, under the management of the Society, every farmer [i.e., landowner] has planted 1 dessiatine of various fruit trees on his hearth as a garden.

The Oberschulze at the time, Klaas Wiens, gave this village the name Halbstadt without special reason, at the request of the settlers for the name of a village in Prussia in which some of them had lived.

The houses were built for the most part already in the first summer of a framework filled out with prepared loam. In support, every settler received from the high crown the lumber needed for a dwelling and 125 bank rubles for the purchase of livestock and farm implements. This advance was to be repaid without interest, according to the immigration edict, after the graciously granted ten free years over the ten following years. Their own capital brought from abroad consisted primarily of horses, wagons, and some cattle. The majority had scarcely the cash needed for the journey, and these impoverished circumstances greatly complicated settlement. For a number of years, their income was, by any measure, extremely low. The products of the field could not be sold because no trade took place. Wheat was bought in Mariupol for, at most, 5 bank rubles a chetwert. At such prices, the farmer did not see his labors repaid and thus grew grain only for domestic use.

With this low income, the inhabitants could buy neither furniture nor farm implements but for the most part manufactured for themselves such things for their essential needs, with the result that no craft or trade could arise. Little by little the sale of butter and cheese, which are well prepared by us Mennonites, produced a considerable income, which, in addition, was somewhat increased through the admittedly rare sale of horses and cattle.

The foundation of prosperity became sheep breeding, for which we have the tireless and fatherly care of Mr. Contenius to thank. The price of wool increased, and the refinement and improvement of sheep breeding now became the inhabitants’ main focus. In the years 1835 and 1836 a pud of wool increased to 45 bank rubles. Thus sheep breeding became a source of abundant income for a number of years.

Another highly significant event for this area was the establishment of the seaport Berdiansk, for which we feel deeply indebted to the high government. For a decade now, a widespread trade has flourished in this city. The farmer could now sell the products of his land there at a good profit. This gave him new courage and new life. With enthusiasm and doubled diligence, he now pursued and improved cultivation, with the support of the Agricultural Society. Through the widely established practice of black fallow, fields were kept strong. The level of prosperity was also raised, to some extent, through the improvement of horse and cattle breeding.

But on the other hand, this village and its sisters also experienced times and circumstances that were completely opposed to the progress of prosperity.

In the years 1812, 1813, and 1821, the harvest was so poor that the inhabitants and their livestock made it through only with difficulty. There was a total crop failure in 1833; neither grain nor fodder for livestock was harvested, and there was a great shortage. Due to the shortage of pasture on the steppe, which was nearly black, and as a result of livestock disease on top of that, most cattle had fallen already by late summer; then the rough spring weather robbed a portion of the wintered livestock. Grain for the poor to make bread was purchased in Poland with money loaned by wealthy residents. A pud of wheat flour was worth up to 5 bank rubles. In 1834 also again only the seed sown was harvested.

Large swarms of locusts destroyed an already small crop in 1823 and 1824 and a hopeful one in 1827.

In 1829 and 1833 livestock disease took away, on average, the greater part of the residents’ livestock, while in 1839 some were spared this loss.

In the winter of 1824–1825, the community suffered a frightful ground blizzard, though not to the degree or as continuously lasting as in the villages at the eastern end of the district. Although most of the livestock had been sold, on account of the crop failure, in the fall for extremely low prices, because of the turbulent weather the residents still could not save all that remained, for what little fodder there was lay buried deep in the snow, and the straw from the roofs was both insufficient and too bad. As a result, the community lost almost all its livestock.

In June 1845 a strong hailstorm, which included stones weighing ¾ of a pound, caused some damage in the fields; however, at the beginning of July a second hailstorm beat down the nearly ripened barley and rye fields. The watermelon fields, which likewise were destroyed, recovered again.

In 1821 many residents died of a strong nervous fever [typhus].

In 1836, at 10:30 p.m. on 11 January, there was a strong earthquake, but it caused no damage.

As useful facilities the village counts a brewery since 1809, a distillery with a steam apparatus, three vinegar breweries, a water mill since 1810, two dyeworks, a cloth factory that was built in 1815 and 1816, burned down in 1839, and was rebuilt again more beautifully and completely in 1842. To this factory the high crown has given 3,000 dessiatines of land located in the local district. In 1816 the district office was transferred here. Also located here for many years has been an important store with various dry goods, lumber, iron, and many other essential articles and materials for the residents.

In 1837 the colonial community of Halbstadt was asked in the mayor’s office by the chairman of the Agricultural Society Johann Cornies and the Oberschulz Johann Regier for permission to create an artisan’s village consisting of two hundred artisans at the east end of Halbstadt, for which the community was asked to give 50 dessiatines of land for cultivation and a pasture for two hundred head of cattle. The community granted the request, according to the community decision, on the condition that they receive as compensation on the southeast boundary of their land 600 dessiatines from the adjoining crown land allocated in order to move two hundred head of their cattle there and be able to pasture their own remaining cattle jointly with the artisans’ cattle. This was confirmed in 1841 by the Guardianship Committee, and in 1842 the artisans’ village was created.

The village has been honored with many distinguished visits:

in 1818 by His Supreme Majesty Emperor Alexander I, who deigned to step down and inspect the cloth factory for several moments;

in 1837 by His Imperial Highness the Successor to the Throne Alexander Nikolaevich;

in 1841 by Her Imperial Highness the Grand Duchess Helena Pavlovna, who deigned to stay the night with local resident and current district assessor Johann Neufeld;

in 1845 by His Imperial Highness the Grand Duke Konstantin Nicolaevich, who likewise visited the cloth factory;

in 1841 by His Serene Highness the Minister of State Properties Adjutant General Count Kiselev;

in 1828 and 1835 by His Serene Highness the Military Governor Count Vorontsov, who also visited the cloth factory.

Mayor David Friesen

Assistants Heinrich Nickel and Johann Esau 

Schoolteacher Andreas Voth

Halbstadt, April 1848

*******************

The German text of the Halbstadt community report is from Woltner 1841, 88–93.

[88] Den Mennoniten im Königreiche Preußen war laut Allerhöchster Deklaration von 1801 nicht erlaubt, ihre Ländereien zu erweitern, noch andere außer den schon vorhandenen käuflich an sich zu bringen, weil sie sich ihren Glaubensgrundsätzen nach, der Kantonpflichtigkeit nicht unterwerfen konnten. Dadurch gerieten sie bei zunehmender Familienzahl in bedrängte Umstände. Nun waren schon früher auf das Verlangen Ihrer Majestät der Kaiserin Katharina Mennoniten ins südliche Russland eingewandert. Auf Grund dieses Verlangens und auf die den im Chortitzer Bezirk im Jekaterinoslawschen Gouvernement angesiedelten Mennoniten von Sr. Majestät Kaiser Paul 1800 am 6. September Allerhöchst verliehenen Privilegien, wanderten 1803 und 1804 eine bedeutende Anzahl Familien aus dem Königreich Preußen, der Provinz Westpreußen und den Regierungsbezirken Marienwerder und Danzig, in das südliche Russland, wo sie sich im taurischen Gouvernement niederliessen.

Eigentliche Anführer hatten diese Einwanderer nicht, aber zwei aus ihrer Mitte, Klaas und Wiens, später Ansiedler in der Kolonie Altona, und David Hübert, Ansiedler in der Kolonie Lindenau, hatten einigermaßen das Ruder in der Hand.

[89] Schon auf der Reise, in der Grenze- und Gouvernementsstadt Grodno, hatten diese Einwanderer von der russischen hohen Krone einer besonderen Huld und Wohltat sich zu erfreuen, indem einer jeden Familie 50 Rbl. Banko geschenkt wurden. Außerdem bekamen sie noch von dort an auf 40 Tage für eine jede Seele über 12 Jahren 20 Kop. und unter 12 Jahren 10 Kop. Banko Zehrgeld, sowie nach ihrer Ankunft bis zur ersten Ernte Nahrungsgelder, und zwar 8 Kop. Banko auf jede Seele.

Unter diesen Einwanderern waren auch die 21 Familien, die die Kolonie Halbstadt gründeten. Sie kamen im Frühjahr 1804, nachdem sie grösstenteils im Chortitzer Mennonitenbezirk gewintert hatten, auf der ihnen vom Kriegsgouverneur Herzog von Richelieu und dem Vorsitzer des Jekaterinoslavschen Kontors für ausländische Ansiedler Herrn Kontenius zur Besiedlung angewiesenen Steppe an, welche damals teils von den Kronsbauern des 10 Werst entfernt liegenden Kirchdorfes Grosstokmak und teils von umherziehenden Nogaiern benutzt wurde.

Die Kolonie wurde gegründet in der nicht gerade bedeutenden Niederung am linken Ufer des Steppenflusses Molotschna, welcher 25 Werst außerhalb der Grenze des Bezirks auf einem bedeutenden Berghügel entspringt und bis 2 Werst vor dieser Kolonie, wo das Zuflüsschen Schönhull mündet, Tokmak und von da an Molotschna heisst. Die Entfernung von der damaligen Kreisstadt Orechow ist 40, von der jetzigen Kreisstadt Berdjansk ungefähr 120, von der Gouvernementsstadt Simferopol ungefähr 330 Werst.

Von Häusern und Wohnungen jeder Art war diese Steppe ganz frei. Der Boden besteht in der Niederung aus einer Mischung von Moorerde, Lehm und Sand; die etwas höher liegende Steppe, außer der oberen Schicht von 1 bis 1 1/2 Fuß tiefer schwarzer Erde, nur aus Lehm. Der Graswuchs auf den Heusteppen war durchschnittlich nur mittelmäßig, dagegen war die Weide für Pferde, Rindvieh und Schafe kräftig und [90] nährend; besonders aber eignete sich der Boden bei guter Zubereitung und Behandlung mehr noch zum Ackerbau und trug in fruchtbaren Jahren 10 bis 15fältige Frucht. Zur Verschönerung der baumlosen Steppe ist am nördlichen Ende des Dorfes dicht an der Molotschna auf den Wunsch Sr. Majestät Alexander I. bei dessen hochgeschätztem Besuch in den hiesigen Kolonien im Jahr 1825 ein Wald von 10 1/2 Dess. angepflanzt, wozu von Sr. Exzellenz dem Staatsrat Herrn Kontenius und dem hiesigen landwirtschaftlichen Verein von auswärts Sämereien bezogen wurden. Auch hat ein jeder Landwirt unter der Leitung des Vereins 1 Dess. mit verschiedenen Obstbäumen auf seiner Feuerstelle als Garten bepflanzt.

Den Namen Halbstadt gab der damalige Oberschulz Klaas Wiens dieser Kolonie ohne besondere Veranlassung auf den Wunsch der Ansiedler nach der Benennung eines Dorfes in Preussen, in welchem einige derselben gewohnt hatten.

Die Häuser wurden mehrenteils schon im ersten Sommer von mit zubereitetem Lehm ausgefülltem Fachwerk gebaut. Zur Unterstützung bekam jeder Ansiedler von der hohen Krone das zu einem Wohnhause erforderliche Bauholz und 125 Rbl. Banko als Vorschuß zum Ankauf von Vieh und Ackergeräten. Dieser Vorschuß sollte ohne Zinsen laut der Einwanderungsukase nach den gnädigst bewilligten zehn Freijahren in den zehn darauffolgenden Jahren zurückgezahlt werden. Ihre eigenen vom Auslande hergebrachten Mittel bestanden hauptsächlich nur in Pferden, Wagen und einigem Rindvieh. An baarem Gelde hatte die Mehrzahl kaum das Nötige zur Reise; und diese dürftigen Umstände erschwerten die Ansiedlung sehr. Die Einnahme war eine Reihe von Jahren in jeder Hinsicht äußerst klein. Die Produkte des Feldes waren nicht abzusetzen, weil kein Handel stattfand. Der Weizen wurde in Mariupol höchstens zu 5 Rbl. Banko das Tschetwert gekauft. Bei solchen Preisen sah der Landmann seine Arbeit nicht bezahlt und baute Getreide nur zu wirtschaftlichem Gebrauch an.

Bei dieser geringen Einnahme konnte die Bewohner weder Möbel noch wirtschaftliche Geräte anschaffen, sondern verfertigten solches zum notwendigsten Bedarf meistens selbst, wodurch kein Handwerk und Gewerbe emporkommen konnte. Nach und nach gewährte der Verkauf von Butter und Käse, die bei uns Mennoniten gut zubereitet werden, eine ziemliche Einnahme, die noch durch den zwar seltenen Verkauf von Pferden und Rindvieh etwas vergrößert wurden. Nach und nach gewährte der Verkauf von Butter und Käse, die bei uns Mennoniten gut zubereitet werden, eine ziemliche Einnahme, die noch durch den zwar seltenen Verkauf von Pferden und Rindvieh etwas vergrößert wurden.

Die Grundlage des Wohlstandes wurde die Schafzucht, welche wir der unermüdlichen und väterlichen Fürsorge des Herrn Kontenius zu danken haben. Die Preise der Wolle stiegen, und Veredelung und Verbesserung der Schafzucht war nun das Hauptaugenmerk der Bewohner. In den Jahren 1835 und 1836 stieg das Pud Wolle auf 45 R. [91] Banko. So wurde die Schafzucht für eine Reihe von Jahren eine Quelle reichlicher Einnahmen.

Ein anderes höchst wichtiges Ereignis für diese Gegend ist die Anlegung der Seestadt Berdjansk, wofür wir uns der hohen Regierung zu innigem Dank verpflichtet fühlen. Seit einem Jahrzehnt blüht nun ein weit verbreiteter Handel in dieser Stadt. Mit gutem Gewinn konnte nun der Landmann die Produkte seines Landes dorthin absetzen. Das gab ihm neuen Mut und neues Leben. Mit Lust und doppeltem Fleiß betrieb und verbesserte er nun den Ackerbau, wobei ihn der landwirtschaftliche Verein unterstützte. Durch die ganz allgemein eingeführte Schwarzbrache wurde der Acker bei Kraft erhalten. Durch die ganz allgemein eingeführte Schwarzbrache wurde der Acker bei Kraft erhalten. Auch durch die Verbesserung der Pferde- und Rindviehzucht wurde der Wohlstand einigermaßen gehoben.

Dagegen aber hat diese Kolonie und ihre Schwestern auch wieder Zeiten und Umstände erlebt, die dem Fortschritt des Wohlstandes ganz und gar entgegen waren.

In den Jahren 1812, 1813 und 1821 fiel die Ernte so gering aus, daß die Bewohner sich und ihr Vieh nur mühsam durchbrachten. 1833 war ein gänzlicher Mißwachs, es wurde weder Getreide noch Futter für Vieh geerntet, und es entstand ein großer Mangel. Aus Mangel an Weide auf der Steppe, die beinahe schwarz war, und infolge der dazugekommenen Viehseuche fiel schon im Spätsommer der größte Teil des Rindviehes und von dem durchgewinterten Vieh raubte einen Teil das rauhe Frühlingswetter. Brotgetreide für die Dürftigen wurde mit von wohlhabenden Bewohnern geliehenen Geldern in Polen angekauft. Das Pud Weizenmehl hat bis 5 R. Banko gegolten. 1834 wurde auch nur wieder die Aussaat geerntet.

1823 und 1824 zerstörten große Heuschreckenschwärme die an sich geringe und 1827 eine hoffnungsvolle Ernte.

1829 und 1833 raffte die Viehseuche den Bewohnern durchschnittlich den größten Teil des Viehbestandes hinweg, während 1839 ein Teil von diesem Verlust verschont blieb.

[92] Im Winter von 1824 auf 1825 litt die Gemeinde an einem fürchterlichen Schneejagen, doch nicht in dem Grade und so ununterbrochen anhaltend, wie in den Kolonien an dem östlichen Ende des Bezirks. Obgleich schon im Herbst der größte Teil des Viehes der Mißernte wegen für sehr billige Preise hatte müssen verkauft werden, so konnte man doch das übrige des ungestümen Wetters wegen nicht alles retten, weil das äußerst wenige Futter tief im Schnee begraben lag und das Stroh von den Dächern nicht auslangte und auch zu schlecht war. Daher verlor die Gemeinde fast all ihr Vieh.

Im Juni 1845 richtete ein starker Hagelregen, worunter Stücke 3/4 Pfund wogen, auf den Feldern einigen Schaden an; aber Anfangs Juli zerschlug ein zweiter Hagelregen die beinahe reifen Gersten- und Roggenfelder. Die Arbusenfelder, die ebenfalls zerstört waren, erholten sich wieder.

1821 starben viele Einwohner an einem starken Nervenfieber.

1836 am 11. Januar ½10 Uhr Abends war hier ein starkes Erdbeben, welches aber keinen Schaden verursachte.

Als nützliche Anlagen zählt die Kolonie eine Bierbraurei seit 1809, eine Brennerei mit einem Dampfapparat, 3 Essigbraüreien, eine Wassermühle seit 1810, 2 Färbereien, eine Tuchfabrik, welche 1815 und 1816 gebaut wurde, 1839 abbrannte und 1842 wieder schöner und vollkommener aufgebaut wurde. Zu dieser Fabrik sind von der hohen Krone 3000 Dessj. Land, im hiesigen Bezirk gelegen, geschenkt worden. 1816 wurde das Gebietsamt hierher versetzt. Auch befindet sich hier seit vielen Jahren eine bedeutende Handlung von verschiedenen Schnittwaren, Holz, Eisen und vielen anderen für die Bewohner notwendigen Sachen und Materialien.

1837 wurde die Kolonialgemeinde Halbstadt im Schulzenamte von dem Vorsitzer des landwirtschaftlichen Vereins Johann Cornies und dem Oberschulz Johann Regier um Erlaubnis gefragt, eine Handwerkerkolonie aus 200 Handwerkern bestehend am östlichen Ende von Halbstadt anzulegen, wozu von der Gemeinde 50 Dessj. Land zum Anbau und für 200 Stück Vieh Weide verlangt wurde, was die Gemeinde laut Gemeindespruch unter der Bedingung bewilligte, wenn sie als Entschädigung an der südöstlichen Grenze ihres Landes 600 Dessj. vom angrenzenden Kronslande zugemessen bekäme, um 200 Stück ihres Viehes dahin versetzen und das Vieh der Handwerker mit ihrem übrigen Vieh gemeinschaftlich weiden zu können. Das wurde 1841 vom Fürsorgekomitee bestätigt und 1842 die Handwerkerkolonie angelegt.

Mit Hohen Besuchen ist die Kolonie beehrt worden:

1818 von Sr. Majestaet Kaiser Alexander I. Hoechst derselbe geruhte einige Augenblicke bei der Tuchfabrik abzusteigen und sie zu besehen.

1837 von Sr. Kaiserlichen Hoheit dem Thronfolger Alexander Nikolajewitsch.

1841 von Ihrer Kaiserlichen Hoheit der Großfürstin Helena Pawlowna, welche bei dem hiesigen Bewohner und derzeitigen Gebietsbeisitzer Johann Neufeld zu nächtigen geruhte.

1845 von Sr. Kaiserlichen Hoheit dem Großfürsten Konstantin Nikolajewitsch, welcher ebenfalls die Tuchfabrik besichtigte.

1841 von Sr. Erlaucht dem Minister der Reichsdomänen General-Adjutanten Grafen Kisselew.

1828 und 1835 von Sr. Erlaucht dem Kriegsgouverneur Grafen Woronzow, welcher auch die Tuchfabrik besichtigte.

Schulz David Friesen

Beisitzer Heinrich Nikkel, Johann Esau

Schullehrer Andreas Voth

Halbstadt im April 1848

Work Cited

Woltner, Margarete. 1941. Die Gemeindeberichte von 1848 der deutschen Siedlungen am Schwarzen Meer. Sammlung Georg Leibbrandt 4. Leipzig: Hirzel.

Jacob Nachtigal

Buller Time was recently contacted by a reader of the blog asking for help in tracing the family line for his ancestor Jacob Nachtigal. Jacob, his wife Katharine, and their six children immigrated to the U.S. in 1874 on the S.S. Teutonia, Jacob’s brother Benjamin and his family joined them on the same voyage. Based on this basic information—matching the known names of the children against the ship’s passenger list—one can find Jacob and Benjamin in the GM database: Jacob is GM 70260; Benjamin is 70253.

The information provided in the two GM entries is sparse: their father’s first name is unknown, and their mother’s name is a mystery. Other information given is suspect: the brothers were presumably not born in Molotschna, since neither name appears on the 1835 census, well after the brothers had been born. Tracing the family line back will require further time and resources, but with this post we look forward to Jacob’s death, or so it appears.

The GM entry for Jacob includes this note: “Could his obituary be in Mennonitische Rundschau, 10 Feb 1892, p1?” Thanks to the online availability of all issues of Die Mennonitische Rundschau, we can check for ourselves. For the issue in question, see here. 

The report (pictured to the right) was sent from Kirk, a village in western Colorado. Dated to 27 January 1892, it was written by J. Bergthold. It reads: 

The Mennonite community here has grown somewhat since the Bergthold and Esau families moved here last fall. They like it here and are now setting themselves up at home. Last Thursday we were at A. Fast’s to attend the funeral of her father, Jacob Nachtigal. The deceased reached the age of seventy-two years. He leaves behind a few grown-up children and a widow in poor circumstances; she fell four years ago and turned both her feet off. She also suffers from what is known as a serious illness and must be cared for like a small child, which is extremely difficult for A. Fast’s children.

The winter has been somewhat harsh so far, but today it is quite mild, the snow is melting, and we are talking about going to the field.

A few details are fuzzy (What does it meant to turn both feet off?, but the gist of the report is clear enough.

For our purposes, we note that the deceased Jacob Nachtigal had a daughter whose married name was A. Fast. According to GM, our Jacob Nachtigal had three daughters: Helen, Katherine, and Anna. However, Anna, whom one would assume is the A of A. Fast, was actually married to Johann Buller. This casts doubt on the identification of this Jacob Nachtigal with the one who interests us.

However, the GM entry for Katherine (70258) states that “one record calls her Anna.” Why she would be called Anna when she had a younger sister of the same name is hard to imagine. However, it is interesting to see that Katherine/Anna was, in fact, married to one Isaac Fast, and they raised a family in Henderson, Nebraska, at least through 1892.

One final note: the notice above states that Jacob Nachtigal died in 1892 at the age seventy-two. The Jacob Nachtigal who interests us was born, as far as we know, in 1820. The dates match perfectly.

Is the Jacob Nachtigal in the Mennonitische Rundschau report the same person who immigrated with his family and brother to the U.S. in 1874? If we stopped at this point and did not explore further, we might judge it probable that the two are one and the same. However …

GM also enables us to look for other women named Anna Nachtigal who married someone named Fast; in fact, there is only one other: Anna Nachtigal 82504. Importantly, although she lived in Henderson early on, by 1888 she and her husband and family had relocated to Kirk, Colorado. Later on it appears that they moved on to Kansas and eventually to Oklahoma. We can say that, if the birth locations of her children are given correctly in GM, she and her family lived in Kirk in through all of 1892.

Given J. Bergthold’s passing statement that he (or she) went to the Nachtigal funeral “on Thursday,” the most natural conclusion is that this was a local affair and did not require a trip of 300+ miles from Kirk to Henderson, where Katherine/Anna Nachtigal Fast lived.

In the end, we did not learn anything about the Jacob Nachtigal whose life we are investigating. We did, however, fill in a puzzle piece of another Mennonite’s life: the name of Anna Nachtigal 82504’s father. GM does not know or include either parent’s name, but now we know that her father was named Jacob. We also found reason to correct an erroneous suggestion in the entry for Jacob GM 70260. He is not the person referenced in the Mennonitische Rundschau report; that is a different Jacob Nachtigal who is apparently not listed at al in the GM database.

Die Mennonitische Rundschau

Those researching Mennonite history frequently have cause to consult primary sources such as the weekly paper Die Mennonitische Rundschau. Indeed, even Buller Time has uncovered items of historical interest and importance within this serial publication. For example, earlier we were able to correct the Buller Family Record concerning David Buller’s death by drawing upon letters published in Die Mennonitische Rundschau (see here, here, and here).

The point of this post is not, however, to examine a particular story or letter from this valuable resource; rather, this post seeks to alert readers that nearly the entire run of Die Mennonitische Rundschau is now available for anyone to view on the Archive.org website. Issues from 1880 through 1993 have been added from a Serials in Microform collection, supplemented by scans of some issues from that date forward to 2006. In all, 5,490 issues are available for amateur and professional historians to view and download.

But that’s not all. Die Mennonitische Rundschau was preceded by the monthly publication known as Der Nebraska Ansiedler, and all three years of its output (twenty-five issues across 1878–1880) are likewise available at Archive.org.

The easiest way to access Die Mennonitische Rundschau is to go here, then click on the More link at the bottom of the Year column that you will find on the left. In the popup box that appears, select the year you wish to view. When you locate the issue that you want to consult, simply click on the cover, which will take you to the the entire issue.

In addition to viewing the issue in a page-flip format, you can download a PDF or other file format of the entire issue (see the Download Options column on the right side of the page).

To access the issues of Der Nebraska Ansiedler, begin here and follow the same process as described above.

Future posts will explore other print resources available from Archive.org, as well as draw from the site’s archive of Die Mennonitische Rundschau.

Birthday Wishes

Today as we focus on celebrating the resurrection of Jesus, let us not forget that this is also the birthday of one Cornelius “Chris” P Buller. Grandpa was born on this day in 1906 to Peter P and Margaretha Epp Buller. As recounted in a 2018 post (here), Grandpa first lived in the house pictured below (roughly 4 miles east-southeast of Henderson), which had been built the prior year. Remarkably, although it has been expanded considerably, the original house still stands today (see here). 

Grandpa is not immediately visible, but if we zoom in closer he can be seen in the baby carriage or bassinet just to the right of his mother, who is holding the umbrella. Grandpa was probably less than six months old when this picture was taken.

That was 116 years ago. The Wright brothers had made their first powered flight only three years earlier. When Grandpa was born, Theodore Roosevelt was president of the US, which included forty-give states (Oklahoma was not granted statehood until the following year). Two days after his birth, San Francisco suffered its most devastating earthquake ever (see photos here). 

Nicholas II was tsar of the Russian Empire, although the 1905 revolution had weakened his autocratic rule, and he was now forced to share power (at least in theory) with a parliamentary body known as the Duma. Before Grandpa turned nine, the world would be thrust into the brutal and deadly stalemate of World War I. Before Grandpa reached his teen years, Nicholas would abdicate in the face of the 1917 revolution, and by the following year he and his wife and children would all be dead.

Although Grandpa was born during an exciting time, he was probably sheltered from most of the good and bad that rocked the broader world. In that he was fortunate, I think. His early life was by no means easy, but it was safer and more secure than the lives of those closer to the action. Grandpa’s simpler life contributed to who he turned out to be, someone to remember and celebrate 116 years later.

The Russian Invasion of Ukraine: Molotschna

Bullertime has been quiet for the past two years, though I have continued to read and research and reflect on all things Buller and Mennonite as often as possible. My current reading is Orlando Figes’s A People’s Tragedy: The Russian Revolution: 1891–1924, which offers a detailed and fair account of the forces that led first to the February 1917 revolution and then, in October, to the Bolshevik coup d’état that resulted in the eventual formation of the Soviet Union.

Fascinating as that history may be, current events demand even greater attention. As everyone knows by now, Russian forces have invaded and taken possession of certain areas of the Ukraine, the country in which two large colonies of Mennonites—Chortitza and Molotschna—lived throughout the nineteenth and first decades of the twentieth centuries. Of course, the larger Ukrainian region was part of the Russian Empire at that time, having been added to Russia’s holdings during the reign of Catherine.

Anyone who has spent more than a few minutes reading this blog knows that our family came from the Molotschna colony, which was located in the steppe region north of the Sea of Azov. Watching the news tonight, I wondered: Have Russian forces taken control of our family’s former home, or is it still under Ukrainian control?

The map immediately below outlines in red the rough (!) boundaries of the former Molotschna colony. Note particularly that the city of Tokmak was just outside of the colony, toward the northwest corner; the town of Chernihivka was on the northeastern boundary.

Major cities in the general region include Zaporizhia (site of the nuclear power plant where fighting took place), which is approximately 47 miles north-northwest of Alexanderwohl/Svitle, where some of our family settled. Mariupol' is 77 miles east of Alexanderwohl/Svitle, and Berdyans'k is 49 miles to the southwest; both cities have featured in reports of the invasion. Finally, Melitopol' is a mere 28 miles to the southwest of Alexanderwohl/Svitle.

A map published by USA Today indicates that the area of Molotschna colony could be under Russian control. The pink area around Melitopol' (indicating Russian-controlled territory) appears to extend far enough north and east to include Molotschna.

The Institute for the Study of War’s 26 February update lends further credence to this conclusion, as it reports that “ Russian forces in Crimea are advancing directly north towards Zaprozhia, entering Velyka Bilozerka and Tokmak—approximately 80km south of Zaprozhia—as of 3pm local time on February 26.” The fact that Russian forces had entered (and presumably occupied) Tokmak would strongly imply that they likely control the surrounding territory, which would include the area of the Molotschna colony.

I do not mean to suggest that Russian soldiers are present within the boundaries of the former Mennonite colony, only that the area of is presently under Russian control as Putin’s forces push north.

Russian History 7: Alexander I

We began the Russian History series with the founder of the Romanov dynasty, Michael I, whose rule began in 1613, then moved quickly to the dynasty’s most significant early tsar and first emperor: Peter I, or Peter the Great (1682–1725). Our real interest lies, of course, with the Russian rulers from a later time, a time that began with Catherine II’s rule in 1762. Therefore, beginning with this post and continuing through the rest of the Romanov dynasty, we will use a timeline that reflects our main focus.

As far as the Romanov dynasty is concerned, we can limit our primary investigation to a mere seven tsars. We have already covered the first two: Catherine II and Paul I. This post begins our survey of the next tsar: Alexander I, who reigned from 1801 to until his death in 1825.

Before we turn our attention to Alexander’s life, it is worthwhile to recall his importance to our family. In short, Alexander I was tsar when our direct ancestors first settled in Russia. He was tsar in 1817, when Benjamin Buller, father of David (father of Peter D, father of Peter P, father of Grandpa Chris), settled in a Volynian village named Zofyovka; Alexander was also tsar in 1819, when Benjamin’s father, also named Benjamin, and other members of the Przechovka Mennonite community emigrated to Molotschna and there founded the village Alexanderwohl, named, of course, after the tsar and emperor of all Russia. In short, although Catherine II was the first Russian ruler to welcome Mennonites to Russia and her son Paul I formally decreed all the privileges that they were to receive, Alexander I was responsible for welcoming our family into the kingdom and thus played a significant role in our family history.

Who, then, was Alexander I? Alexander Pavlovich Romanov (note the custom of using the father’s first name as the son’s middle name) was born on 23 December 1777 and thus was twenty-three years old when his father was deposed and then assassinated in one fell swoop. He died slightly less than twenty-four years later, on 1 December 1825.

Alexander is most remembered as the tsar who defeated Napoleon, which is the subtitle of Marie-Pierre Rey’s engaging and authoritative 2012 biography of him. We need not detail those events here, but it is good to recount a few high points.

The Napoleonic wars extended from 1803 until 1815 and involved at least seven different coalitions formed against Napoleon and his powerful army. In 1812, Russian refusal to abide by the trade restrictions that Napoleon had imposed prompted him to invade Russia. Napoleon entered Russian territory in June with 450,000 troops. The Russian army engaged in a strategic retreat, leaving scorched earth behind them as they withdrew further into the Russian interior. Moscow was burned, and still Alexander and his forces retreated. Eventually Napoleon’s supply line failed and his troops began deserting in growing numbers. With the onset of winter in late October, Napoleon was forced to withdraw. By the time he left Russia in November, starvation, desertion, and Russian attacks had devastated his Grand Armée, which now numbered only 27,000 men.

Remarkably, Napoleon was not finished and soon rebuilt his army. Seizing the moment, Alexander formed an alliance with Prussia and then Austria, then stubbornly pushed this Seventh Coalition to pursue Napoleon deep into France until Napoleon surrendered on 11 April 1814. All of Europe hailed Alexander for his role in defeating Napoleon (although Napoleon would launch one final assault in 1815).

Alexander’s war with Napoleon probably had little direct effect on our family, since it appears that there were no conflicts near the Przechovka area, nor did the French or Russian armies pass directly through that locale. Nevertheless, Alexander’s defeat of Napoleon did have a profound effect on our family history. Precisely how Alexander shaped our family story will be taken up in the following post.


Work Cited

Rey, Marie-Pierre. 2012. Alexander I: The Tsar Who Defeated Napoleon. Dekalb: Northern Illinois University Press.