Halbstadt 1

As noted in the introductory post (here), Halbstadt was one of the first nine villages founded when the Molotschna settlement came into existence in 1804. However, Halbstadt was not merely a founding village; it was also one of the most important villages in the colony. By 1848, for example, when the report was written, Halbstadt had been the seat of district administration for over three decades. Halbstadt was also home to a significant number of industries and a teacher training school (see Klassen and Krahn). 

Given its prominence, it is not surprising that Halbstadt submitted by far the longest community report, roughly double the length of the next longest report. With that as background, we are ready to begin working our way through the Halbstadt Gemeindebericht. The report begins with the circumstances that led to the village’s founding.

According to the Most High Declaration of 1801, the Mennonites in the Kingdom of Prussia were not permitted to expand their properties or to purchase others in addition to their current ones, because, in accordance with their beliefs, they could not submit themselves to the canton obligation. As a result, they found themselves in distressed circumstances as the number of families increased.

Most High Declaration. The German “Allerhöchster Deklaration” has the feel of a technical legal term. In German, adjectives such as Allerhöchster are typically not capitalized; one exception to this rule is when the adjective is used in a legal context, as here. Interestingly, the declaration being referenced (see 1801 below) uses a similar term, “Verordnung Allerhöchst” (highest decree), which may indicate that those writing the Halbstadt community report had some familiarity with the actual decree—or perhaps the language of royal declarations of that time. Interestingly, later in this same paragraph the Russian emperor Paul is referred to as “Allerhöchst,” or Most High. The repetition of the same adjective may hint that the highest declaration of the Prussian king, Frederick William III, was trumped by a yet higher ruler, Tsar Paul.

1801. The declaration in view here is clearly that issued by Frederick William III on 17 December 1801 (for a translation, see Jantzen 2010, 262–64). That declaration was actually a clarification of an edict that his father, Frederick William II, had issued a decade earlier, on 30 July 1789 (Jantzen 2010, 256–60), and a subsequent regulation dated 12 February 1792 (German original available here). Each of these three documents merits a detailed discussion, but for the moment it is enough to to note that the December 1801 declaration prohibited Mennonites who refused to be registered for military service from acquiring additional land.

Expand their properties … purchase others in addition to their current ones. The limitation as described by the community report contains two elements, but the details are not immediately clear. Fortunately, the 1801 declaration itself provides additional clarity:

Those Mennonites, however, who continue to reject the common obligation to defend the fatherland will not be allowed in the future to increase their holdings in number or size and thereby to use the advantages associated with their freedom from military registration to displace Christians who are more useful to the state. (translation from Jantzen 2010, 262)

First, Mennonites who refused to be enrolled on the canton list were not permitted to expand the size of their current properties, presumably by adding property adjoining their current holdings (e.g., buying a 40-acre field that adjoins a 40 that one already owns). Second, these Mennonites were also barred from increasing the number of the landholdings, that is, by buying new plots of land that did not adjoin their current holdings. Paragraph 4 of the 1801 decree further clarifies:

Accordingly no Mennonite who is not ready to give up the military exemption will be granted a permit to acquire any type of property, rural or urban, that is not already the property of a Mennonite at the time of publication of this edict.… (translation from Jantzen 2010, 263)

The phrase “that is not already the property of a Mennonite” is key. As the decree goes on to explain, and as is made explicit in a later declaration, Mennonites could sell property among themselves, since a sale from one Mennonite to another had no effect on the number of men who could be called up to serve in the military from a particular area. What was not permitted was sale of land from a non-Mennonite to a Mennonite, since that would reduce the number of people obliged to serve.

they could not submit themselves to the canton obligation. The Prussian canton system also warrants an extended discussion, but for now it is enough to highlight a few points. In the mid-eighteenth century King Frederick William I instituted the cantonal system for military recruitment. The Prussian kingdom was divided into cantons, areas encompassing roughly five thousand hearths each (each house had at least one hearth, although some had more). Each canton was assigned an army regiment, and males within a certain age range within that canton were enlisted on the regiment’s roll and then could be called up to serve with that regiment. As a matter of faith, Mennonites were not to engage in military activity, so they could not participate in the cantonal system.

they found themselves in distressed circumstances as the number of families increased. The German phrase translated “distressed circumstances” carries the idea of something being pressed or compressed. In this case, crowding an ever-increasing number of families into the same space created an unsustainable and ultimately intolerable situation: too many people pressed into too small a space.

The first two sentences of the community report provide significant background on the events that led to the founding of Halbstadt: in 1801, the Prussian king Frederick William III decreed that Mennonites who wished to retain their exemption from the cantonal system would not be permitted to acquire additional land from non-Mennonites; Mennonites could purchase land only from other Mennonites who already claimed the military exemption. The result of this policy was predictable: as the Mennonite population increased, the percentage of families with access to land decreased. How the Mennonites responded is the subject of the next sentences in the community report, which we will take up in the next post.

Works Cited

Jantzen, Mark. 2010. Mennonite German Soldiers: Nation, Religion, and Family in the Prussian East, 1772–1880. Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame Press.

Klassen, Abraham, and Cornelius Krahn. 1956. Halbstadt (Molotschna Mennonite Settlement, Zaporizhia Oblast, Ukraine). Global Anabaptist Mennonite Encyclopedia Online. 1956. Available online here.

Halbstadt 0

In an attempt to return to a somewhat regular blogging schedule, I recently decided to work slowly through the 1848 Gemeindeberichte, or community reports, from Molotschna. As before with Franztal (see here), I will first offer a translation of the German, then follow with commentary on points of interest or matters that require explanation. We will work through the reports in the order in which Woltner (1941) presents them. We thus begin with Halbstadt, one of the first nine villages founded when the Molotschna settlement came into existence in 1804. 

This Halbstadt 0 post will contain only the translation and the German original below. I will update the post each time I finish translating another section. When all is said and done, the entire translation will be available in this one post. For the accompanying commentary, see the posts Halbstadt 1–.

Translation

According to the Most High Declaration of 1801, the Mennonites in the Kingdom of Prussia were not permitted to expand their properties or to purchase others in addition to their current ones, because, in accordance with their beliefs, they could not submit themselves to the canton obligation. As a result, they found themselves in distressed circumstances as the number of families increased. Now Mennonites had already immigrated to south Russia at the request of Her Majesty the Empress Catherine. On the basis of this request and of the privileges granted by His Majesty Emperor Paul, Most High, on 6 September 1800, to the Mennonites who had settled in the Chortitza district in the Yekaterinoslav Governorate, a significant number of families from the Kingdom of Prussia—the province of West Prussia and the administrative districts of Marienwerder and Danzig—emigrated in 1803 and 1804 to south Russia, where they settled in the Taurida Governorate.

These immigrants did not have specific leaders, but two from among them—Klaas Wiens, later a settler in the village Altonau, and David Hiebert, a settler in the village Lindenau—more or less held the rudder in their hands.

Already on the journey, in the border and governate city of Grodno, these immigrants enjoyed a special favor and benefaction from the Russian high crown: each family was given 50 bank rubles. Moreover, they were also given traveling money from there on for forty days—20 kopeks currency for every soul over twelve years and 10 kopeks currency for every soul under twelve years—as well as funds for food after their arrival up to the first harvest, namely, 8 kopeks currency for each soul.

Among these immigrants were also the twenty-one families who founded the village Halbstadt. After spending most of the winter in the Chortitza Mennonite district, they arrived in the spring of 1804 on the steppe assigned to them for settlement by the military governor, the Duke of Richelieu, and the chairman of the Yekaterinoslav Office for Foreign Settlers, Mr. Contenius. The steppe was used at that time partly by the crown peasants of the parish village Grosstokmak, lying 10 versts away, and partly by wandering Nogais.

The village was founded in the insignificant lowland on the left bank of the steppe river Molochna, which originates as the Tokmak 25 versts outside of the border of the district on a significant mountain hill and runs until 2 versts before this village, where the tributary Schönhull empties into it, and from there on it is called the Molochna. It is 40 versts from the former district city, Orikhiv; approximately 120 versts from the current district city, Berdiansk; and approximately 330 versts from the gubernia city, Simferopol.

This steppe was completely free of houses or dwellings of any kind. The soil in the lowland consists of a mixture of peat, loam, and sand; the slightly higher steppe, except for the black earth upper layer from 1 to 1.5 feet deep, only of loam. The growth of grass on the hay steppes was, on average, only mediocre; by contrast, the pasture for horses, cattle, and sheep was strong and nourishing. However, with good preparation and treatment, the soil was particularly suitable for cultivation and bore, in fruitful years, a harvest of ten- to fifteenfold. To beautify the treeless steppe, a wooded area of 10.5 dessiatines was planted at the north end of the village close to the Molotschna; this was at the request of His Majesty Alexander I during his highly esteemed visit to the local villages in 1825. Seeds from abroad were obtained for this purpose by His Excellency State Councillor Mr. Contenius and the local Agricultural Society. In addition, under the management of the Society, every farmer [i.e., landowner] has planted 1 dessiatine of various fruit trees on his hearth as a garden.

The Oberschulze at the time, Klaas Wiens, gave this village the name Halbstadt without special reason, at the request of the settlers for the name of a village in Prussia in which some of them had lived.

The houses were built for the most part already in the first summer of a framework filled out with prepared loam. In support, every settler received from the high crown the lumber needed for a dwelling and 125 bank rubles for the purchase of livestock and farm implements. This advance was to be repaid without interest, according to the immigration edict, after the graciously granted ten free years over the ten following years. Their own capital brought from abroad consisted primarily of horses, wagons, and some cattle. The majority had scarcely the cash needed for the journey, and these impoverished circumstances greatly complicated settlement. For a number of years, their income was, by any measure, extremely low. The products of the field could not be sold because no trade took place. Wheat was bought in Mariupol for, at most, 5 bank rubles a chetwert. At such prices, the farmer did not see his labors repaid and thus grew grain only for domestic use.

With this low income, the inhabitants could buy neither furniture nor farm implements but for the most part manufactured for themselves such things for their essential needs, with the result that no craft or trade could arise. Little by little the sale of butter and cheese, which are well prepared by us Mennonites, produced a considerable income, which, in addition, was somewhat increased through the admittedly rare sale of horses and cattle.

The foundation of prosperity became sheep breeding, for which we have the tireless and fatherly care of Mr. Contenius to thank. The price of wool increased, and the refinement and improvement of sheep breeding now became the inhabitants’ main focus. In the years 1835 and 1836 a pud of wool increased to 45 bank rubles. Thus sheep breeding became a source of abundant income for a number of years.

Another highly significant event for this area was the establishment of the seaport Berdiansk, for which we feel deeply indebted to the high government. For a decade now, a widespread trade has flourished in this city. The farmer could now sell the products of his land there at a good profit. This gave him new courage and new life. With enthusiasm and doubled diligence, he now pursued and improved cultivation, with the support of the Agricultural Society. Through the widely established practice of black fallow, fields were kept strong. The level of prosperity was also raised, to some extent, through the improvement of horse and cattle breeding.

But on the other hand, this village and its sisters also experienced times and circumstances that were completely opposed to the progress of prosperity.

In the years 1812, 1813, and 1821, the harvest was so poor that the inhabitants and their livestock made it through only with difficulty. There was a total crop failure in 1833; neither grain nor fodder for livestock was harvested, and there was a great shortage. Due to the shortage of pasture on the steppe, which was nearly black, and as a result of livestock disease on top of that, most cattle had fallen already by late summer; then the rough spring weather robbed a portion of the wintered livestock. Grain for the poor to make bread was purchased in Poland with money loaned by wealthy residents. A pud of wheat flour was worth up to 5 bank rubles. In 1834 also again only the seed sown was harvested.

Large swarms of locusts destroyed an already small crop in 1823 and 1824 and a hopeful one in 1827.

In 1829 and 1833 livestock disease took away, on average, the greater part of the residents’ livestock, while in 1839 some were spared this loss.

In the winter of 1824–1825, the community suffered a frightful ground blizzard, though not to the degree or as continuously lasting as in the villages at the eastern end of the district. Although most of the livestock had been sold, on account of the crop failure, in the fall for extremely low prices, because of the turbulent weather the residents still could not save all that remained, for what little fodder there was lay buried deep in the snow, and the straw from the roofs was both insufficient and too bad. As a result, the community lost almost all its livestock.

In June 1845 a strong hailstorm, which included stones weighing ¾ of a pound, caused some damage in the fields; however, at the beginning of July a second hailstorm beat down the nearly ripened barley and rye fields. The watermelon fields, which likewise were destroyed, recovered again.

In 1821 many residents died of a strong nervous fever [typhus].

In 1836, at 10:30 p.m. on 11 January, there was a strong earthquake, but it caused no damage.

As useful facilities the village counts a brewery since 1809, a distillery with a steam apparatus, three vinegar breweries, a water mill since 1810, two dyeworks, a cloth factory that was built in 1815 and 1816, burned down in 1839, and was rebuilt again more beautifully and completely in 1842. To this factory the high crown has given 3,000 dessiatines of land located in the local district. In 1816 the district office was transferred here. Also located here for many years has been an important store with various dry goods, lumber, iron, and many other essential articles and materials for the residents.

In 1837 the colonial community of Halbstadt was asked in the mayor’s office by the chairman of the Agricultural Society Johann Cornies and the Oberschulz Johann Regier for permission to create an artisan’s village consisting of two hundred artisans at the east end of Halbstadt, for which the community was asked to give 50 dessiatines of land for cultivation and a pasture for two hundred head of cattle. The community granted the request, according to the community decision, on the condition that they receive as compensation on the southeast boundary of their land 600 dessiatines from the adjoining crown land allocated in order to move two hundred head of their cattle there and be able to pasture their own remaining cattle jointly with the artisans’ cattle. This was confirmed in 1841 by the Guardianship Committee, and in 1842 the artisans’ village was created.

The village has been honored with many distinguished visits:

in 1818 by His Supreme Majesty Emperor Alexander I, who deigned to step down and inspect the cloth factory for several moments;

in 1837 by His Imperial Highness the Successor to the Throne Alexander Nikolaevich;

in 1841 by Her Imperial Highness the Grand Duchess Helena Pavlovna, who deigned to stay the night with local resident and current district assessor Johann Neufeld;

in 1845 by His Imperial Highness the Grand Duke Konstantin Nicolaevich, who likewise visited the cloth factory;

in 1841 by His Serene Highness the Minister of State Properties Adjutant General Count Kiselev;

in 1828 and 1835 by His Serene Highness the Military Governor Count Vorontsov, who also visited the cloth factory.

Mayor David Friesen

Assistants Heinrich Nickel and Johann Esau 

Schoolteacher Andreas Voth

Halbstadt, April 1848

*******************

The German text of the Halbstadt community report is from Woltner 1841, 88–93.

[88] Den Mennoniten im Königreiche Preußen war laut Allerhöchster Deklaration von 1801 nicht erlaubt, ihre Ländereien zu erweitern, noch andere außer den schon vorhandenen käuflich an sich zu bringen, weil sie sich ihren Glaubensgrundsätzen nach, der Kantonpflichtigkeit nicht unterwerfen konnten. Dadurch gerieten sie bei zunehmender Familienzahl in bedrängte Umstände. Nun waren schon früher auf das Verlangen Ihrer Majestät der Kaiserin Katharina Mennoniten ins südliche Russland eingewandert. Auf Grund dieses Verlangens und auf die den im Chortitzer Bezirk im Jekaterinoslawschen Gouvernement angesiedelten Mennoniten von Sr. Majestät Kaiser Paul 1800 am 6. September Allerhöchst verliehenen Privilegien, wanderten 1803 und 1804 eine bedeutende Anzahl Familien aus dem Königreich Preußen, der Provinz Westpreußen und den Regierungsbezirken Marienwerder und Danzig, in das südliche Russland, wo sie sich im taurischen Gouvernement niederliessen.

Eigentliche Anführer hatten diese Einwanderer nicht, aber zwei aus ihrer Mitte, Klaas und Wiens, später Ansiedler in der Kolonie Altona, und David Hübert, Ansiedler in der Kolonie Lindenau, hatten einigermaßen das Ruder in der Hand.

[89] Schon auf der Reise, in der Grenze- und Gouvernementsstadt Grodno, hatten diese Einwanderer von der russischen hohen Krone einer besonderen Huld und Wohltat sich zu erfreuen, indem einer jeden Familie 50 Rbl. Banko geschenkt wurden. Außerdem bekamen sie noch von dort an auf 40 Tage für eine jede Seele über 12 Jahren 20 Kop. und unter 12 Jahren 10 Kop. Banko Zehrgeld, sowie nach ihrer Ankunft bis zur ersten Ernte Nahrungsgelder, und zwar 8 Kop. Banko auf jede Seele.

Unter diesen Einwanderern waren auch die 21 Familien, die die Kolonie Halbstadt gründeten. Sie kamen im Frühjahr 1804, nachdem sie grösstenteils im Chortitzer Mennonitenbezirk gewintert hatten, auf der ihnen vom Kriegsgouverneur Herzog von Richelieu und dem Vorsitzer des Jekaterinoslavschen Kontors für ausländische Ansiedler Herrn Kontenius zur Besiedlung angewiesenen Steppe an, welche damals teils von den Kronsbauern des 10 Werst entfernt liegenden Kirchdorfes Grosstokmak und teils von umherziehenden Nogaiern benutzt wurde.

Die Kolonie wurde gegründet in der nicht gerade bedeutenden Niederung am linken Ufer des Steppenflusses Molotschna, welcher 25 Werst außerhalb der Grenze des Bezirks auf einem bedeutenden Berghügel entspringt und bis 2 Werst vor dieser Kolonie, wo das Zuflüsschen Schönhull mündet, Tokmak und von da an Molotschna heisst. Die Entfernung von der damaligen Kreisstadt Orechow ist 40, von der jetzigen Kreisstadt Berdjansk ungefähr 120, von der Gouvernementsstadt Simferopol ungefähr 330 Werst.

Von Häusern und Wohnungen jeder Art war diese Steppe ganz frei. Der Boden besteht in der Niederung aus einer Mischung von Moorerde, Lehm und Sand; die etwas höher liegende Steppe, außer der oberen Schicht von 1 bis 1 1/2 Fuß tiefer schwarzer Erde, nur aus Lehm. Der Graswuchs auf den Heusteppen war durchschnittlich nur mittelmäßig, dagegen war die Weide für Pferde, Rindvieh und Schafe kräftig und [90] nährend; besonders aber eignete sich der Boden bei guter Zubereitung und Behandlung mehr noch zum Ackerbau und trug in fruchtbaren Jahren 10 bis 15fältige Frucht. Zur Verschönerung der baumlosen Steppe ist am nördlichen Ende des Dorfes dicht an der Molotschna auf den Wunsch Sr. Majestät Alexander I. bei dessen hochgeschätztem Besuch in den hiesigen Kolonien im Jahr 1825 ein Wald von 10 1/2 Dess. angepflanzt, wozu von Sr. Exzellenz dem Staatsrat Herrn Kontenius und dem hiesigen landwirtschaftlichen Verein von auswärts Sämereien bezogen wurden. Auch hat ein jeder Landwirt unter der Leitung des Vereins 1 Dess. mit verschiedenen Obstbäumen auf seiner Feuerstelle als Garten bepflanzt.

Den Namen Halbstadt gab der damalige Oberschulz Klaas Wiens dieser Kolonie ohne besondere Veranlassung auf den Wunsch der Ansiedler nach der Benennung eines Dorfes in Preussen, in welchem einige derselben gewohnt hatten.

Die Häuser wurden mehrenteils schon im ersten Sommer von mit zubereitetem Lehm ausgefülltem Fachwerk gebaut. Zur Unterstützung bekam jeder Ansiedler von der hohen Krone das zu einem Wohnhause erforderliche Bauholz und 125 Rbl. Banko als Vorschuß zum Ankauf von Vieh und Ackergeräten. Dieser Vorschuß sollte ohne Zinsen laut der Einwanderungsukase nach den gnädigst bewilligten zehn Freijahren in den zehn darauffolgenden Jahren zurückgezahlt werden. Ihre eigenen vom Auslande hergebrachten Mittel bestanden hauptsächlich nur in Pferden, Wagen und einigem Rindvieh. An baarem Gelde hatte die Mehrzahl kaum das Nötige zur Reise; und diese dürftigen Umstände erschwerten die Ansiedlung sehr. Die Einnahme war eine Reihe von Jahren in jeder Hinsicht äußerst klein. Die Produkte des Feldes waren nicht abzusetzen, weil kein Handel stattfand. Der Weizen wurde in Mariupol höchstens zu 5 Rbl. Banko das Tschetwert gekauft. Bei solchen Preisen sah der Landmann seine Arbeit nicht bezahlt und baute Getreide nur zu wirtschaftlichem Gebrauch an.

Bei dieser geringen Einnahme konnte die Bewohner weder Möbel noch wirtschaftliche Geräte anschaffen, sondern verfertigten solches zum notwendigsten Bedarf meistens selbst, wodurch kein Handwerk und Gewerbe emporkommen konnte. Nach und nach gewährte der Verkauf von Butter und Käse, die bei uns Mennoniten gut zubereitet werden, eine ziemliche Einnahme, die noch durch den zwar seltenen Verkauf von Pferden und Rindvieh etwas vergrößert wurden. Nach und nach gewährte der Verkauf von Butter und Käse, die bei uns Mennoniten gut zubereitet werden, eine ziemliche Einnahme, die noch durch den zwar seltenen Verkauf von Pferden und Rindvieh etwas vergrößert wurden.

Die Grundlage des Wohlstandes wurde die Schafzucht, welche wir der unermüdlichen und väterlichen Fürsorge des Herrn Kontenius zu danken haben. Die Preise der Wolle stiegen, und Veredelung und Verbesserung der Schafzucht war nun das Hauptaugenmerk der Bewohner. In den Jahren 1835 und 1836 stieg das Pud Wolle auf 45 R. [91] Banko. So wurde die Schafzucht für eine Reihe von Jahren eine Quelle reichlicher Einnahmen.

Ein anderes höchst wichtiges Ereignis für diese Gegend ist die Anlegung der Seestadt Berdjansk, wofür wir uns der hohen Regierung zu innigem Dank verpflichtet fühlen. Seit einem Jahrzehnt blüht nun ein weit verbreiteter Handel in dieser Stadt. Mit gutem Gewinn konnte nun der Landmann die Produkte seines Landes dorthin absetzen. Das gab ihm neuen Mut und neues Leben. Mit Lust und doppeltem Fleiß betrieb und verbesserte er nun den Ackerbau, wobei ihn der landwirtschaftliche Verein unterstützte. Durch die ganz allgemein eingeführte Schwarzbrache wurde der Acker bei Kraft erhalten. Durch die ganz allgemein eingeführte Schwarzbrache wurde der Acker bei Kraft erhalten. Auch durch die Verbesserung der Pferde- und Rindviehzucht wurde der Wohlstand einigermaßen gehoben.

Dagegen aber hat diese Kolonie und ihre Schwestern auch wieder Zeiten und Umstände erlebt, die dem Fortschritt des Wohlstandes ganz und gar entgegen waren.

In den Jahren 1812, 1813 und 1821 fiel die Ernte so gering aus, daß die Bewohner sich und ihr Vieh nur mühsam durchbrachten. 1833 war ein gänzlicher Mißwachs, es wurde weder Getreide noch Futter für Vieh geerntet, und es entstand ein großer Mangel. Aus Mangel an Weide auf der Steppe, die beinahe schwarz war, und infolge der dazugekommenen Viehseuche fiel schon im Spätsommer der größte Teil des Rindviehes und von dem durchgewinterten Vieh raubte einen Teil das rauhe Frühlingswetter. Brotgetreide für die Dürftigen wurde mit von wohlhabenden Bewohnern geliehenen Geldern in Polen angekauft. Das Pud Weizenmehl hat bis 5 R. Banko gegolten. 1834 wurde auch nur wieder die Aussaat geerntet.

1823 und 1824 zerstörten große Heuschreckenschwärme die an sich geringe und 1827 eine hoffnungsvolle Ernte.

1829 und 1833 raffte die Viehseuche den Bewohnern durchschnittlich den größten Teil des Viehbestandes hinweg, während 1839 ein Teil von diesem Verlust verschont blieb.

[92] Im Winter von 1824 auf 1825 litt die Gemeinde an einem fürchterlichen Schneejagen, doch nicht in dem Grade und so ununterbrochen anhaltend, wie in den Kolonien an dem östlichen Ende des Bezirks. Obgleich schon im Herbst der größte Teil des Viehes der Mißernte wegen für sehr billige Preise hatte müssen verkauft werden, so konnte man doch das übrige des ungestümen Wetters wegen nicht alles retten, weil das äußerst wenige Futter tief im Schnee begraben lag und das Stroh von den Dächern nicht auslangte und auch zu schlecht war. Daher verlor die Gemeinde fast all ihr Vieh.

Im Juni 1845 richtete ein starker Hagelregen, worunter Stücke 3/4 Pfund wogen, auf den Feldern einigen Schaden an; aber Anfangs Juli zerschlug ein zweiter Hagelregen die beinahe reifen Gersten- und Roggenfelder. Die Arbusenfelder, die ebenfalls zerstört waren, erholten sich wieder.

1821 starben viele Einwohner an einem starken Nervenfieber.

1836 am 11. Januar ½10 Uhr Abends war hier ein starkes Erdbeben, welches aber keinen Schaden verursachte.

Als nützliche Anlagen zählt die Kolonie eine Bierbraurei seit 1809, eine Brennerei mit einem Dampfapparat, 3 Essigbraüreien, eine Wassermühle seit 1810, 2 Färbereien, eine Tuchfabrik, welche 1815 und 1816 gebaut wurde, 1839 abbrannte und 1842 wieder schöner und vollkommener aufgebaut wurde. Zu dieser Fabrik sind von der hohen Krone 3000 Dessj. Land, im hiesigen Bezirk gelegen, geschenkt worden. 1816 wurde das Gebietsamt hierher versetzt. Auch befindet sich hier seit vielen Jahren eine bedeutende Handlung von verschiedenen Schnittwaren, Holz, Eisen und vielen anderen für die Bewohner notwendigen Sachen und Materialien.

1837 wurde die Kolonialgemeinde Halbstadt im Schulzenamte von dem Vorsitzer des landwirtschaftlichen Vereins Johann Cornies und dem Oberschulz Johann Regier um Erlaubnis gefragt, eine Handwerkerkolonie aus 200 Handwerkern bestehend am östlichen Ende von Halbstadt anzulegen, wozu von der Gemeinde 50 Dessj. Land zum Anbau und für 200 Stück Vieh Weide verlangt wurde, was die Gemeinde laut Gemeindespruch unter der Bedingung bewilligte, wenn sie als Entschädigung an der südöstlichen Grenze ihres Landes 600 Dessj. vom angrenzenden Kronslande zugemessen bekäme, um 200 Stück ihres Viehes dahin versetzen und das Vieh der Handwerker mit ihrem übrigen Vieh gemeinschaftlich weiden zu können. Das wurde 1841 vom Fürsorgekomitee bestätigt und 1842 die Handwerkerkolonie angelegt.

Mit Hohen Besuchen ist die Kolonie beehrt worden:

1818 von Sr. Majestaet Kaiser Alexander I. Hoechst derselbe geruhte einige Augenblicke bei der Tuchfabrik abzusteigen und sie zu besehen.

1837 von Sr. Kaiserlichen Hoheit dem Thronfolger Alexander Nikolajewitsch.

1841 von Ihrer Kaiserlichen Hoheit der Großfürstin Helena Pawlowna, welche bei dem hiesigen Bewohner und derzeitigen Gebietsbeisitzer Johann Neufeld zu nächtigen geruhte.

1845 von Sr. Kaiserlichen Hoheit dem Großfürsten Konstantin Nikolajewitsch, welcher ebenfalls die Tuchfabrik besichtigte.

1841 von Sr. Erlaucht dem Minister der Reichsdomänen General-Adjutanten Grafen Kisselew.

1828 und 1835 von Sr. Erlaucht dem Kriegsgouverneur Grafen Woronzow, welcher auch die Tuchfabrik besichtigte.

Schulz David Friesen

Beisitzer Heinrich Nikkel, Johann Esau

Schullehrer Andreas Voth

Halbstadt im April 1848

Work Cited

Woltner, Margarete. 1941. Die Gemeindeberichte von 1848 der deutschen Siedlungen am Schwarzen Meer. Sammlung Georg Leibbrandt 4. Leipzig: Hirzel.

Jacob Nachtigal

Buller Time was recently contacted by a reader of the blog asking for help in tracing the family line for his ancestor Jacob Nachtigal. Jacob, his wife Katharine, and their six children immigrated to the U.S. in 1874 on the S.S. Teutonia, Jacob’s brother Benjamin and his family joined them on the same voyage. Based on this basic information—matching the known names of the children against the ship’s passenger list—one can find Jacob and Benjamin in the GM database: Jacob is GM 70260; Benjamin is 70253.

The information provided in the two GM entries is sparse: their father’s first name is unknown, and their mother’s name is a mystery. Other information given is suspect: the brothers were presumably not born in Molotschna, since neither name appears on the 1835 census, well after the brothers had been born. Tracing the family line back will require further time and resources, but with this post we look forward to Jacob’s death, or so it appears.

The GM entry for Jacob includes this note: “Could his obituary be in Mennonitische Rundschau, 10 Feb 1892, p1?” Thanks to the online availability of all issues of Die Mennonitische Rundschau, we can check for ourselves. For the issue in question, see here. 

The report (pictured to the right) was sent from Kirk, a village in western Colorado. Dated to 27 January 1892, it was written by J. Bergthold. It reads: 

The Mennonite community here has grown somewhat since the Bergthold and Esau families moved here last fall. They like it here and are now setting themselves up at home. Last Thursday we were at A. Fast’s to attend the funeral of her father, Jacob Nachtigal. The deceased reached the age of seventy-two years. He leaves behind a few grown-up children and a widow in poor circumstances; she fell four years ago and turned both her feet off. She also suffers from what is known as a serious illness and must be cared for like a small child, which is extremely difficult for A. Fast’s children.

The winter has been somewhat harsh so far, but today it is quite mild, the snow is melting, and we are talking about going to the field.

A few details are fuzzy (What does it meant to turn both feet off?, but the gist of the report is clear enough.

For our purposes, we note that the deceased Jacob Nachtigal had a daughter whose married name was A. Fast. According to GM, our Jacob Nachtigal had three daughters: Helen, Katherine, and Anna. However, Anna, whom one would assume is the A of A. Fast, was actually married to Johann Buller. This casts doubt on the identification of this Jacob Nachtigal with the one who interests us.

However, the GM entry for Katherine (70258) states that “one record calls her Anna.” Why she would be called Anna when she had a younger sister of the same name is hard to imagine. However, it is interesting to see that Katherine/Anna was, in fact, married to one Isaac Fast, and they raised a family in Henderson, Nebraska, at least through 1892.

One final note: the notice above states that Jacob Nachtigal died in 1892 at the age seventy-two. The Jacob Nachtigal who interests us was born, as far as we know, in 1820. The dates match perfectly.

Is the Jacob Nachtigal in the Mennonitische Rundschau report the same person who immigrated with his family and brother to the U.S. in 1874? If we stopped at this point and did not explore further, we might judge it probable that the two are one and the same. However …

GM also enables us to look for other women named Anna Nachtigal who married someone named Fast; in fact, there is only one other: Anna Nachtigal 82504. Importantly, although she lived in Henderson early on, by 1888 she and her husband and family had relocated to Kirk, Colorado. Later on it appears that they moved on to Kansas and eventually to Oklahoma. We can say that, if the birth locations of her children are given correctly in GM, she and her family lived in Kirk in through all of 1892.

Given J. Bergthold’s passing statement that he (or she) went to the Nachtigal funeral “on Thursday,” the most natural conclusion is that this was a local affair and did not require a trip of 300+ miles from Kirk to Henderson, where Katherine/Anna Nachtigal Fast lived.

In the end, we did not learn anything about the Jacob Nachtigal whose life we are investigating. We did, however, fill in a puzzle piece of another Mennonite’s life: the name of Anna Nachtigal 82504’s father. GM does not know or include either parent’s name, but now we know that her father was named Jacob. We also found reason to correct an erroneous suggestion in the entry for Jacob GM 70260. He is not the person referenced in the Mennonitische Rundschau report; that is a different Jacob Nachtigal who is apparently not listed at al in the GM database.

Die Mennonitische Rundschau

Those researching Mennonite history frequently have cause to consult primary sources such as the weekly paper Die Mennonitische Rundschau. Indeed, even Buller Time has uncovered items of historical interest and importance within this serial publication. For example, earlier we were able to correct the Buller Family Record concerning David Buller’s death by drawing upon letters published in Die Mennonitische Rundschau (see here, here, and here).

The point of this post is not, however, to examine a particular story or letter from this valuable resource; rather, this post seeks to alert readers that nearly the entire run of Die Mennonitische Rundschau is now available for anyone to view on the Archive.org website. Issues from 1880 through 1993 have been added from a Serials in Microform collection, supplemented by scans of some issues from that date forward to 2006. In all, 5,490 issues are available for amateur and professional historians to view and download.

But that’s not all. Die Mennonitische Rundschau was preceded by the monthly publication known as Der Nebraska Ansiedler, and all three years of its output (twenty-five issues across 1878–1880) are likewise available at Archive.org.

The easiest way to access Die Mennonitische Rundschau is to go here, then click on the More link at the bottom of the Year column that you will find on the left. In the popup box that appears, select the year you wish to view. When you locate the issue that you want to consult, simply click on the cover, which will take you to the the entire issue.

In addition to viewing the issue in a page-flip format, you can download a PDF or other file format of the entire issue (see the Download Options column on the right side of the page).

To access the issues of Der Nebraska Ansiedler, begin here and follow the same process as described above.

Future posts will explore other print resources available from Archive.org, as well as draw from the site’s archive of Die Mennonitische Rundschau.

Birthday Wishes

Today as we focus on celebrating the resurrection of Jesus, let us not forget that this is also the birthday of one Cornelius “Chris” P Buller. Grandpa was born on this day in 1906 to Peter P and Margaretha Epp Buller. As recounted in a 2018 post (here), Grandpa first lived in the house pictured below (roughly 4 miles east-southeast of Henderson), which had been built the prior year. Remarkably, although it has been expanded considerably, the original house still stands today (see here). 

Grandpa is not immediately visible, but if we zoom in closer he can be seen in the baby carriage or bassinet just to the right of his mother, who is holding the umbrella. Grandpa was probably less than six months old when this picture was taken.

That was 116 years ago. The Wright brothers had made their first powered flight only three years earlier. When Grandpa was born, Theodore Roosevelt was president of the US, which included forty-give states (Oklahoma was not granted statehood until the following year). Two days after his birth, San Francisco suffered its most devastating earthquake ever (see photos here). 

Nicholas II was tsar of the Russian Empire, although the 1905 revolution had weakened his autocratic rule, and he was now forced to share power (at least in theory) with a parliamentary body known as the Duma. Before Grandpa turned nine, the world would be thrust into the brutal and deadly stalemate of World War I. Before Grandpa reached his teen years, Nicholas would abdicate in the face of the 1917 revolution, and by the following year he and his wife and children would all be dead.

Although Grandpa was born during an exciting time, he was probably sheltered from most of the good and bad that rocked the broader world. In that he was fortunate, I think. His early life was by no means easy, but it was safer and more secure than the lives of those closer to the action. Grandpa’s simpler life contributed to who he turned out to be, someone to remember and celebrate 116 years later.

The Russian Invasion of Ukraine: Molotschna

Bullertime has been quiet for the past two years, though I have continued to read and research and reflect on all things Buller and Mennonite as often as possible. My current reading is Orlando Figes’s A People’s Tragedy: The Russian Revolution: 1891–1924, which offers a detailed and fair account of the forces that led first to the February 1917 revolution and then, in October, to the Bolshevik coup d’état that resulted in the eventual formation of the Soviet Union.

Fascinating as that history may be, current events demand even greater attention. As everyone knows by now, Russian forces have invaded and taken possession of certain areas of the Ukraine, the country in which two large colonies of Mennonites—Chortitza and Molotschna—lived throughout the nineteenth and first decades of the twentieth centuries. Of course, the larger Ukrainian region was part of the Russian Empire at that time, having been added to Russia’s holdings during the reign of Catherine.

Anyone who has spent more than a few minutes reading this blog knows that our family came from the Molotschna colony, which was located in the steppe region north of the Sea of Azov. Watching the news tonight, I wondered: Have Russian forces taken control of our family’s former home, or is it still under Ukrainian control?

The map immediately below outlines in red the rough (!) boundaries of the former Molotschna colony. Note particularly that the city of Tokmak was just outside of the colony, toward the northwest corner; the town of Chernihivka was on the northeastern boundary.

Major cities in the general region include Zaporizhia (site of the nuclear power plant where fighting took place), which is approximately 47 miles north-northwest of Alexanderwohl/Svitle, where some of our family settled. Mariupol' is 77 miles east of Alexanderwohl/Svitle, and Berdyans'k is 49 miles to the southwest; both cities have featured in reports of the invasion. Finally, Melitopol' is a mere 28 miles to the southwest of Alexanderwohl/Svitle.

A map published by USA Today indicates that the area of Molotschna colony could be under Russian control. The pink area around Melitopol' (indicating Russian-controlled territory) appears to extend far enough north and east to include Molotschna.

The Institute for the Study of War’s 26 February update lends further credence to this conclusion, as it reports that “ Russian forces in Crimea are advancing directly north towards Zaprozhia, entering Velyka Bilozerka and Tokmak—approximately 80km south of Zaprozhia—as of 3pm local time on February 26.” The fact that Russian forces had entered (and presumably occupied) Tokmak would strongly imply that they likely control the surrounding territory, which would include the area of the Molotschna colony.

I do not mean to suggest that Russian soldiers are present within the boundaries of the former Mennonite colony, only that the area of is presently under Russian control as Putin’s forces push north.

Russian History 7: Alexander I

We began the Russian History series with the founder of the Romanov dynasty, Michael I, whose rule began in 1613, then moved quickly to the dynasty’s most significant early tsar and first emperor: Peter I, or Peter the Great (1682–1725). Our real interest lies, of course, with the Russian rulers from a later time, a time that began with Catherine II’s rule in 1762. Therefore, beginning with this post and continuing through the rest of the Romanov dynasty, we will use a timeline that reflects our main focus.

As far as the Romanov dynasty is concerned, we can limit our primary investigation to a mere seven tsars. We have already covered the first two: Catherine II and Paul I. This post begins our survey of the next tsar: Alexander I, who reigned from 1801 to until his death in 1825.

Before we turn our attention to Alexander’s life, it is worthwhile to recall his importance to our family. In short, Alexander I was tsar when our direct ancestors first settled in Russia. He was tsar in 1817, when Benjamin Buller, father of David (father of Peter D, father of Peter P, father of Grandpa Chris), settled in a Volynian village named Zofyovka; Alexander was also tsar in 1819, when Benjamin’s father, also named Benjamin, and other members of the Przechovka Mennonite community emigrated to Molotschna and there founded the village Alexanderwohl, named, of course, after the tsar and emperor of all Russia. In short, although Catherine II was the first Russian ruler to welcome Mennonites to Russia and her son Paul I formally decreed all the privileges that they were to receive, Alexander I was responsible for welcoming our family into the kingdom and thus played a significant role in our family history.

Who, then, was Alexander I? Alexander Pavlovich Romanov (note the custom of using the father’s first name as the son’s middle name) was born on 23 December 1777 and thus was twenty-three years old when his father was deposed and then assassinated in one fell swoop. He died slightly less than twenty-four years later, on 1 December 1825.

Alexander is most remembered as the tsar who defeated Napoleon, which is the subtitle of Marie-Pierre Rey’s engaging and authoritative 2012 biography of him. We need not detail those events here, but it is good to recount a few high points.

The Napoleonic wars extended from 1803 until 1815 and involved at least seven different coalitions formed against Napoleon and his powerful army. In 1812, Russian refusal to abide by the trade restrictions that Napoleon had imposed prompted him to invade Russia. Napoleon entered Russian territory in June with 450,000 troops. The Russian army engaged in a strategic retreat, leaving scorched earth behind them as they withdrew further into the Russian interior. Moscow was burned, and still Alexander and his forces retreated. Eventually Napoleon’s supply line failed and his troops began deserting in growing numbers. With the onset of winter in late October, Napoleon was forced to withdraw. By the time he left Russia in November, starvation, desertion, and Russian attacks had devastated his Grand Armée, which now numbered only 27,000 men.

Remarkably, Napoleon was not finished and soon rebuilt his army. Seizing the moment, Alexander formed an alliance with Prussia and then Austria, then stubbornly pushed this Seventh Coalition to pursue Napoleon deep into France until Napoleon surrendered on 11 April 1814. All of Europe hailed Alexander for his role in defeating Napoleon (although Napoleon would launch one final assault in 1815).

Alexander’s war with Napoleon probably had little direct effect on our family, since it appears that there were no conflicts near the Przechovka area, nor did the French or Russian armies pass directly through that locale. Nevertheless, Alexander’s defeat of Napoleon did have a profound effect on our family history. Precisely how Alexander shaped our family story will be taken up in the following post.


Work Cited

Rey, Marie-Pierre. 2012. Alexander I: The Tsar Who Defeated Napoleon. Dekalb: Northern Illinois University Press.

Russian History 6: Paul I

By all accounts, Catherine II (the Great) did not intend to be succeeded by her son Paul; rather, she planned for Paul’s son Alexander, her grandson, to become tsar and emperor when she passed from this earth. However, after Catherine died, or so the story goes, Paul was first on the scene in his mother’s office and was able to locate and destroy her will and testament. 

In the absence of any documentary evidence of Catherine’s wishes, Paul, as the only son of Catherine and her husband, Peter III, could logically and legally assert his claim to be the rightful Romanov heir to Russia’s throne. Fortunately for Paul, his son Alexander made no attempt to challenge this claim.

As is evident in the timeline, Paul’s reign was short-lived, lasting only from 1796 to 1801. The brevity of his rule was due largely to the tumult that characterized it. To put it nicely, Paul was eccentric and demanding of those whom he ruled; more bluntly, one historian describes him as a “wildly insane despot” (Lowe 1895, 3).

Paul clearly was a troubled individual. His mother Catherine had claimed that he was not really the son of Peter III; however, Paul’s physical and psychological resemblance to Peter left little doubt about his parentage. Still, having his own mother make such a claim publicly presumably increased the tension that already existed between them.

Another sign of familial dysfunction had been Catherine’s taking control of Paul’s sons, Alexander and Constantine. Shoving Paul to the side, Catherine raised and nurtured his two sons as she wanted. It should be no surprise, then, that Paul neither fit in well nor got along with others.

Paul’s reign came to a sudden and sad end when certain members of the nobility, military, and palace staff decided that enough was enough. On the night of 23 March 1801, the conspirators came for Paul in his bedroom—hearing them approach, he hid behind a curtain. When they spied him, they drug him out and, as Charles Lowe recounts, “forced him to abdicate—strangling him to death in the process” (1895, 4). Paul’s son Alexander knew of the planned coup but claimed afterward that he had no idea that the revolt would end in his father’s death. That might be true, but Alexander no doubt knew that his own grandfather Peter III had conveniently died in custody when Catherine removed him from power. In other words, he should have known how it would all turn out.

Although Paul reigned for only five years, he had a significant effect on the Mennonite experience in Russia. On 6 September 1800 Paul both formalized and expanded the promises that Catherine’s agent Potemkin had made to Mennonite settlers several decades earlier. Given the importance of this grant to Russian Mennonite history, it is worth quoting in full:

Charter of Privileges awarded to the Mennonites on September 8th, 1800.

We, Paul I, by the grace of God Emperor and Autocrat of aIl Russia.

Condescending to the petition of the Mennonites settled in the New Russian government, whose excellent industry and morality may, according to the testimony of the authorities, be held up as a model to the foreigners settled there and thereby deserve special consideration, now therefore with this Imperial Charter We most graciously wish not only to confirm aIl their rights and advantages specified in the preliminary agreement concluded with them, but, in order to stimulate their industry and concern in agriculture even more, to grant them also other advantages, as follows:

1. We confirm the liberty to practice their religion according to their tenets and customs as promised them and their descendants and most graciously permit them, when occasion demands it, to render the oath in courts according to their custom, consisting in a simple affirmation of the truth.

2. We confirm them in their incontestable and perpetually inheritable possession of the 65 desiatini of arable land assigned to each family, with the proviso, however, that under no condition may even the smallest portion of it be ceded to outsiders, sold, or any deeds be made in regard to it without the permission of the authorities set over them.

3. To aIl Mennonites now residing in Russia and to aIl those who come to Russia in the future, We most graciously grant permission to erect factories in villages and towns and to establish such trades as may be necessary for them; also to trade, to enter guilds and trade corporations, and to sell their products without hindrance according to the applicable laws of the land.

4. By right of ownership We permit the Mennonites to enjoy aIl the fruits of their land and fishing, to brew beer and vinegar, to distill corn brandy, not only for their own consumption, but also for retail sale on their land.

5. On the land belonging to the Mennonites We forbid outsiders to build boarding houses and taverns and leaseholders to sell wine and to operate saloons without their permission.

6. We assure them with Our Imperial word that none of the Mennonites now settled and those who may settle in the future nor their children and descendants will ever be taken and entered into military service without their own desire to do so.

7. We exempt aIl their villages and houses from all sorts of quartering, except when the troops march through, in which case they will observe the rules of quartering. We also discharge them from aIl crown labors, with the condition, however, that they properly maintain the bridges, ferries, and roads on their lands and also participate in the general maintenance of the mails.

8. We most graciously grant all Mennonites and their descendants complete liberty and authority to dispose of their personal property according to each one’s free will, with the exception of the land assigned to them by the crown. Should anyone, after having paid all his debts, wish to leave Russia with all his possessions, he then must pay three years’ taxes in advance for the property he has acquired in Russia, as declared upon conscience by him and by the village authorities. The property of a deceased whose relatives and heirs live abroad, which property according to Mennonite custom must be divided among those persons, is to be disposed of in a similar manner. The villages are given the liberty to appoint guardians according to their custom over the property of minor orphans.

9. We confirm the ten years’ exemption from taxes granted them previously, extending this privilege also to those who in the future may wish to settle in the New Russian government. In view of the fact, however, that an inspection found them in meager circumstances because of several years of crop failure and decrease of animals and because of their crowded condition in the Khortitsa region, it is proposed to transfer several families to other lands. Therefore, in consideration of their poverty and want We most graciously extend the former ten-year period of exemption for another five years to those who remain in the previous places and for another ten years to those who will be transferred. After the expiration of this period they shall pay for each of their 65 desiatini fifteen kopecks per year but be exempted from the payment of all other taxes. The loan extended to them, however, must he repaid in equal parts, in ten years by those who remain and within twenty years by those who are moved.

10. In conclusion of this Our Imperial Charter concerning the rights and advantages of the Mennonites, granted to them most graciously, We order all our military and civil authorities and government offices not only to leave these Mennonites and their descendants in unmolested enjoyment of their houses, lands, and other possessions, not to hinder them in the enjoyment of the privileges granted to them, but also to show them in all cases every assistance and protection. (Urry 1989, 282–84, modified)

History does not remember Paul I with much fondness or respect, but for Mennonites he proved to be a kind and consequential ruler who created the conditions for a century of prosperity on the Russian steppes.

Works Cited

Lowe, Charles. 1895. Alexander III of Russia. New York: Macmillan.

Urry, James. 1989. None but Saints: The Transformation of Mennonite Life in Russia 1789–1889. Winnipeg: Hyperion.

Russian History 5: Catherine II and Mennonites

Catherine the Great (1762–1796) was, as observed in the previous post, one of the most consequential rulers in Russia’s history. Peter the Great (1682–1725), to be sure, turned Russia from a kingdom into an empire (see here); however, Catherine transformed that empire into domestic powerhouse and an international force. Thus it is no surprise to learn that Catherine’s influence extended far beyond those who were her subjects, even to encompass the Mennonites. In fact, Catherine’s foreign and domestic policies affected the lives of our ancestors and other Mennonites in at least two significant ways.

1. The Partitions of Poland

As noted earlier, Catherine was a key player in the three partitions of Poland (1772, 1793, and 1795). The First Partition was the most significant for our family, since it led to those Bullers living in the Przechovka vicinity to be transferred from Polish to Prussian rule. Most other Mennonites inhabiting Poland likewise came under Prussian governance at the same time.

This political shift did not lead immediately lead to change in the Mennonites’ daily lives; however, over time the Prussian authorities proved increasingly less sympathetic to the Mennonite refusal to take up arms against the enemies of the empire. This changing climate engendered a willingness among many Mennonites to consider leaving Prussia for a more welcoming location.

2. Emigration to Russia

Catherine’s greatest contribution to and influence on the Mennonite community was to provide that location where these people of faith could live in peace and prosperity. To be clear, Catherine did not focus her attention on the Mennonites above all others. In fact, her first invitation for new settlers was made to anyone who wished to relocate within Russia. She opened Russia’s borders shortly after she came into power, in 1762 and then again in a more broadly circulated manifesto in 1763. The latter document explained (see here for additional background and the translation of the full manifesto):

We, Catherine the second, by the Grace of God, Empress and Autocrat of all the Russians … As We are sufficiently aware of the vast extent of the lands within Our Empire, We perceive, among other things, that a considerable number of regions are still uncultivated which could easily and advantageously be made available for productive use of population and settlement. … I. We permit all foreigners to come into Our Empire, in order to settle in all the governments, just as each one may desire.

The manifesto goes on to describe the process that foreigners were to follow to enter and settle within Catherine’s empire, then follows with a series of privileges that those who relocated to Russia would enjoy:

1. We grant to all foreigners coming into Our Empire the free and unrestricted practice of their religion according to the precepts and usage of their Church. … On the other hand, everyone is hereby warned not to persuade or induce any of the Christian co-religionists living in Russia to accept or even assent to his faith or join his religious community, under pain of incurring the severest punishment of Our law.
2. None of the foreigners who have come to settle in Russia shall be required to pay the slightest taxes to Our treasury, nor be forced to render regular or extraordinary services, nor to billet troops. Indeed, everybody shall be exempt from all taxes and tribute in the following manner: those who have been settled as colonists with their families in hitherto uninhabited regions will enjoy 30 years of exemption….
3. All foreigners who settle in Russia either to engage in agriculture and some trade, or to undertake to build factories and plants will be offered a helping hand and the necessary loans required for the construction of factories useful for the future, especially of such as have not yet been built in Russia.
4. For the building of dwellings, the purchase of livestock needed for the farmstead, the necessary equipment, materials, and tools for agriculture and industry, each settler will receive the necessary money from Our treasury in the form of an advance loan without any interest. The capital sum has to be repaid only after ten years, in equal annual installments in the following three years.
5. We leave to the discretion of the established colonies and village the internal constitution and jurisdiction, in such a way that the persons placed in authority by Us will not interfere with the internal affairs and institutions. In other respects the colonists will be liable to Our civil laws. …
6. To every foreigner who wants to settle in Russia We grant complete duty-free import of his property, no matter what it is, provided, however, that such property is for personal use and need, and not intended for sale. …
7. The foreigners who have settled in Russia shall not be drafted against their will into the military or the civil service during their entire stay here. Only after the lapse of the years of tax-exemption can they be required to provide labor service for the country. …
8. As soon as the foreigners have reported to the Guardianship Chancellery or to our border towns and declared their decision to travel to the interior of the Empire and establish domicile there, they will forthwith receive food rations and free transportation to their destination. …

Catherine’s open-door policy prompted a significant number of Germans to emigrate to Russia, but few, if any, Mennonites were found among them. Presumably the temporary nature of the exemption from military service (thirty years, per term 2) discouraged Mennonites from accepting the offer. That all changed two decades later, when Prince Potemkin, representing Catherine, and the Mennonite representatives Johann Bartsch and Jacob Höppner negotiated special privileges for Mennonites who wished to relocate to Russia:

1. Free transportation and board from the Russian border to the settlement area.
2. The right to settle anywhere and pursue any occupation.
3. Loans to build houses and factories or purchase farm equipment.
4. Perpetual exemption from military and civil service.
5. Tax exemption for periods that varied with occupation and place of settlement.
6. Freedom of religion, except to establish monasteries.
7. The right to proselytize among the Muslims, but not among Christian subjects.
8. The right of self-government in agricultural communities.
9. The right to import family belongings duty-free.
10. The right to buy serfs and peasants for those who established factories with their own money.
11. The right to negotiate other terms with the Russian authorities. (Rempel and Carlson 2002, 263)

Obviously the terms given the Mennonites were largely the same as those granted to all foreign settlers. The one significant difference is the granting of perpetual exemption from military and civil service.

Because of Catherine’s granting of these privileges and protections, a significant body of Mennonites  (over two hundred families, according to Urry 1989, 54) moved from West Prussia/Poland to New Russia (modern Ukraine) in 1788–1789, and the first colony of Mennonites, the Chortitza colony, was established in 1789. Our family was not among that group; however, three decades later Bullers walked through the door she had opened and became subjects of the Russian Empire. Catherine was, without doubt, a pivotal and transformative figure in the histories of both Mennonites in general and our family in particular.

Works Cited

Rempel, David G., with Cornelia Rempel Carlson. 2002. A Mennonite Family in Tsarist Russia and the Soviet Union, 1789–1923. Toronto: University of Toronto Press.

Urry, James. 1989. None but Saints: The Transformation of Mennonite Life in Russia 1789–1889. Winnipeg: Hyperion.

Russian History 4: Catherine II

Princess Sophie Friederike Auguste von Anhalt-Zerbst-Dornburg, also known to history as Catherine II but better known as Catherine the Great, was without doubt Russia’s most significant female ruler, not to mention one of Russia’s most successful rulers of either gender. Given her important place in Russia’s history, it is a little surprising to discover that Catherine was not Russian by birth.

Sophie (she did not become Catherine until 1744) was born in 1729 in the Polish town Alt-Stettin (modern Szczecin), but she was not Polish either. In fact, she was born into a family of German nobility, and her father Christian August, Prince of Anhalt-Zerbst, held the rank of general within the Prussian government.

Despite their high status, Sophie’s family was not affluent, so, like many people of that time, they sought to improve their situation by marrying a child to someone of both stature and wealth. With Sophie, they succeeded admirably. As a result of political maneuvering by others and her own personal charm with the Russian empress Elizabeth, Sophie converted to Eastern (Russian) Orthodoxy, took the name Catherine, and, in 1745 married Charles Peter Ulrich, Duke of Holstein-Gottorp.

Catherine’s husband Peter was not merely the grandson of Peter the Great through his mother Anna Petrovna; he was also the nephew and designated heir to Empress Elizabeth. Therefore when Elizabeth died in January 1762, Peter (III) became tsar over all Russia.

Unfortunately for Peter, his rule was short-lived. Peter and Catherine’s relationship had never been close or intimate, and both partners had been regularly unfaithful. To make matters worse, Peter was by most accounts unpleasant and demanding, if not outright mean. Seeing an opportunity, Catherine and her loyalists executed a coup and forced Peter to sign abdication papers; conveniently, Peter died eight days later while in the custody of Catherine’s guards.

Catherine was now firmly in control of Russia. Regardless of what one might think of her tactics in seizing power or her personal morality throughout her life, one cannot dispute the fact that during her reign the Russian Empire was at its height. This was, in fact, the golden age of imperial Russia, a time of peace at home and power abroad, a period during which the application of Enlightenment ideals led to legal reform, economic growth, and state-sponsored expansion of education and the arts.

Catherine’s reign was also a period of steadily expanding international influence, which is where her significance for our family and other Mennonites comes most into play. We could write a great deal about Catherine’s achievements in this area, but we will limit our attention to only a few.

First, in 1768, just six years into her reign, Catherine took advantage of growing instability within the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth to assume control over the land and people of that kingdom. Her control was technically a protectorate, which means that she allowed some level of independence and local governance; the Commonwealth did not cease to exist. Nevertheless, Catherine maintained ultimate power and served as the final authority in any and all matters of import.

Not long after, in 1772, Catherine exercised that power by cooperating with the Prussians and the Austrians to take permanent control of certain areas of Poland-Lithuania. This First Partition of Poland allowed Russia to seize a significant amount of territory (36,000 square miles) from Poland’s eastern flank; Austria’s share was somewhat smaller in size but held a larger population than Russia’s acquisition. Prussia received the smallest portion but secured the greatest benefit. Not only was its new territory, which became the province West Prussia, more highly developed than the other areas; it also connected Prussia proper with its holdings in East Prussia.

While Catherine was carving up Poland, she was also in the process of expanding her territory to the southwest. Over the course of the Russo-Turkish War of 1768–1774 Catherine’s forces inflicted decisive defeats on the Ottoman Empire, so much so that the latter had to accede to Russia’s terms of peace. In addition to paying a hefty sum in reparations, the Ottoman Empire gave up control of the Crimean Khanate (not only Crimea but also land on the continent immediately to the north), the seaports Azov and Kerch, and the land between the Dnieper River and the Southern Bug (a major Ukrainian river west of the Dnieper), among other territories.

Finally, Catherine also played a crucial role in the Second and Third Partitions of Poland in 1793 and 1795, respectively. The Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth continued to experience unrest after the First Partition, and Polish troops engaged the Russian army at the outset of the Russo-Turkish War and then again in 1792. Frederick II of Prussia exploited the opportunity to propose another land grab at the expense of Poland; Russia agreed. As a result, Prussia seized 22,000 square miles, and Russia took another 97,000 square miles. Two years later, Russia, Prussia, and Austria agreed to dissolve the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth entirely and to divide the remaining land among themselves.

In November of the following year Catherine suffered what was diagnosed as a stroke; she passed away the following day, on the evening of 17 November 1796. Her thirty-four-year reign was the longest of any of Russia’s female rulers. Her influence on Russia’s domestic life and the international balance of power are obvious, but Catherine’s actions also affected the Mennonite community at large and our own ancestors. We will briefly detail Catherine’s importance for both in a subsequent post.

For Further Reading

Alexander, John T. 1989. Catherine the Great: Life and Legend. New York: Oxford University Press.

Catherine, Empress of Russia. 2006. The Memoirs of Catherine the Great. Translated by Mark Cruse and Hilde Hoogenboom. New York: Modern Library.

Madariaga, Isabel de. 1990. Catherine the Great: A Short History. Haven: Yale University Press.

O’Neill, Kelly. 2017. Claiming Crimea: A History of Catherine the Great’s Southern Empire. New Haven: Yale University Press.

Russian History 3

The last post established the basic framework for our exploration of Russia’s history by dividing four centuries, from roughly 1600 through 2000, into two broad periods based on the governing authority (see timeline below). The first period (1613–1917) was a time of tsarist rule (blue), specifically the Romanov dynasty of Russian tsars; the second period (1917–1991) saw the ascendance of socialist power and the formation of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (red). 

Now that we have a working framework in place, we are ready to add pertinent details, albeit without becoming lost in the weeds of minutiae. We will organize those details by filling out the timeline we already have—with one change: for our own visual ease, we will rotate the timeline 90 degrees so we can add meaningful labels to each new subdivision. In other words, instead of the timeline moving from left to right, it will now go from top (1613) to bottom (1991).

We will not reproduce the entire timeline each time but will focus on a significant section within each post. Our real focus will begin with Catherine II, the Great, who ruled from 1762 to 1796 and under whom the first Mennonites settled in Russia, but the following example on 1600–1750 shows well how we will proceed.

A traditional approach would simply list the earliest Romanov tsars in order and offer a comment or two about each.

Michael I, 1613–1645
Alexis, 1645–1676
Feodor III, 1676–1682
Peter I (the Great) and Ivan V, 1682–1696
Peter II, 1696–1725
Catherine I, 1724–1727
Peter II, 1727–1730
Anna, 1730–1740
Ivan VI, 1740–1741
Elizabeth, 1741–1762
Peter III, 1762

As useful as that might be for preparing to take an exam on Russian history, it really does us little good, since most of these tsars are of little interest for Mennonites in general or Bullers in particular. (If you do wish to learn more about these tsars, see the excellent Star Media series on the Romanovs, available on Youtube here.) For this century and a half, only Michael I and Peter I, aka Peter the Great, merit our notice.

Michael I, 1613–1645

The first Romanov tsar’s full name was Mikhail Fyodorovich Romanov; similar to the practice seen in our own and other Mennonite families, Michael’s middle name was based on his father first name: Feodor. Although Michael came from a high-ranking and powerful family, he was the first Romanov to rule as tsar over all Russia.

The word tsar (alternative spellings are tzar, czar, and csar), interestingly, is derived from the Latin word caesar. Various Slavic rulers adopted the title tsar to claim, by implication if not directly, that their status was the same as the Roman emperors of old. Of course, the title did not change the reality on the ground: although Michael greatly expanded Russia’s territory, his realm was in no sense an empire at this time.

To put Michael’s reign in perspective for Bullers, our family obviously had nothing to do with Russia or with Michael. The earliest ancestor known to us, George Buller, husband of Dina Thoms, lived in Poland and died about 1718 at an old age; if he lived to age seventy, he would have been born in 1648, that is, after Michael’s reign. I mention this only for perspective: the Romanov dynasty began when our ancestors still lived along the Vistula in Poland. Our family would not come into contact with Russia or its rulers until the Romanovs had been in power for two centuries.

Peter I (the Great), 1682–1725

We might write a great deal about Peter the Great, for example, of his joint rule with his half-brother Ivan V (1682–1696), of his determination to build a Russian navy, of his extensive tours of Europe to develop both political and personal relationships with the rulers of that region, of his founding of Saint Petersburg (named after him, of course), or even of his crowning of his second wife, Catherine I (not Catherine the Great), as empress and co-ruler in 1724. However, for our purposes only a few significant observations need to be made.

First, it was under Peter that Russia became recognized as an empire. As note above, Tsar Michael I expanded Russia’s borders greatly, even to encompass Siberia. However, Peter fought wars both on the north (Finland, Sweden) and the south (Ottoman Empire) and established Russia as a force to be respected, if not feared, leading to a proclamation in 1721 that declared him to be Emperor of All Russia. From this time on Russia itself was considered an empire and its tsar regarded as both tsar and emperor. Thus when our family and other Mennonites emigrated to Russia, they were entering the Russian Empire, one of the great powers of that time.

Second, Peter was committed to westernizing Russia so that it was more European than Asian. This passion to learn European ways led Peter to spend eighteen months traveling through Europe, even working within a shipyard for four months to gain hands-on experience that he would later apply to the construction of a navy. Peter also sought to develop close relationships with many of Europe’s rulers, even to the extent that he sought to have members of his family marry into Europe’s royal families. Peter’s initial efforts to turn Russia’s gaze to the west, to Europe, no doubt explains to some degree how within the next half-century Russia came to be ruled by someone who was not a native of the land, someone who played a crucial role in the Mennonite migration to Russia.

We will return to that in the next post; for now we close by contextualizing our family with respect to the reign of Peter the Great. The Bullers remained in Poland throughout Peter’s rule, living within the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth under the rule of Augustus II the Strong; our ancestors probably had no direct contact with Russia or its ruler during this time. George Buller died during the last decade of Peter’s reign; George and Dina’s three sons Hans, George, and Peter were raising their own families. Presumably their lives were largely localized, centered on the village Przechovka and the Mennonite church there.