Tuesday, March 24, 2015

Four sisters

The kids in the photograph are likely familiar even to their grandchildren by now (L to R): Matilda and Esther in the back, Darlene and Ruth in the front. Given Ruth’s apparent age and the fact that Alma isn't standing in the picture, one might plausibly date this photo to sometime in 1939.




The location of the photo is a place that we have not seen before: the farm of Isaac G. and Sarah Epp Franz, Grandma’s parents. If you recall (see here and scroll down to the plat map), the Franz family farm was less than a mile down the road west of Peter P and Margaretha’s place (section 15). It was roughly a five-mile drive from Grandpa and Grandma’s Lushton farm.

Part of the fun of looking at these old photographs is exploring the background, seeing what was in the daily lives of the people who are pictured here. This particular photo is busy: the barn appears to be well-built and well-kept; one wonders whether the windmill in front of it was just for livestock or also provided water for the house; the flower garden to the right of the girls is watched over by two wooden figurines, what appear to be young girls in sun dresses and bonnets; the utility pole behind the girls presumably brought electricity to the Franz house. (When did electricity come to Grandpa and Grandma’s Lushton farm?)

What else do you see? I notice that all four girls part their hair on their left and comb it to the right, that a chicken-wire fence appears to enclose the farmyard, and that there is a faint outline of a single rod at the left tip of the roof, likely a lightning rod to protect the structure from strikes. Take time to explore the photograph with your eyes, to enter that time and place where four sisters stood together one sunny day. It is the best way to get to know not only the people—our family—pictured there but also their lives back in 1939.


Saturday, March 21, 2015

From Brüttisellen to Lushton 6

It always comes as a surprise when an occasionally mentioned, barely remembered, and never truly understood historical event pops up in our family history. More remarkable is when a single ancestor of ours perseveres through several of those events during his or her lifetime.

Heinrich Bühler, for example, experienced the persecution of the Swiss Reformed Church first-hand when in mid-1614 he spent fourteen weeks (or at least some time) in Zurich’s Wellenberg tower. Just a few years later, Heinrich’s life was upset and uprooted again by a more wide-ranging development: the Thirty Years’ War of 1618–1648.

This is neither the place nor the time to attempt to summarize such a complex historical period and series of events. Those who wish to dig deeper may consult the abbreviated Encyclopaedia Britannica article here or the History Channel summary here.

Instead of trying to teach about the Thirty Years’ War, the rest of this post will rather step into, as it were, the events of that time by allowing the anonymous Hutterite Chroniclers recount what they, or at least their co-religionists, went through during the early years of the war. We begin in 1618 with the outbreak of the war.

[633] This same year, 1618, fierce agitation and revolt broke out in the kingdom of Bohemia, developing into terrible war and bloodshed between the [Roman Catholic] emperor and the Lutheran Estates in Bohemia. [The Bohemian Revolt of May 1618, which was to develop into the Thirty Years War. Count Heinrich von Thurn (1567–1640), a prominent leader of the Protestant Estates, had succeeded in forcing Emperor Rudolf II in 1609 to issue the Letter of Majesty granting religious freedom in Bohemia. In May 1618 Count von Thurn called a meeting of Protestant Estates at Prague University to discuss threats to that freedom. … Complaints made to Emperor Matthias were denounced as rebellion. The meetings ended on May 23 with the famous Defenestration of Prague, when von Thurn himself threw two Catholic councillors, Jaroslav of Martinitz and William of Slavata, and their secretary, Fabricius, from a window of the Hradschin [Bohemian Chancellery] into the moat. This act of violence marks the beginning of the Thirty Years War. Under the leadership of Count Matthias von Thurn, the Bohemian Protestants (by far the majority in the country) set up their own council and appointed thirty Directors.] Because of this, on John the Baptist’s Day [June 24], the Provincial Diet at Olmütz decided to recruit 5,000 men—cavalry and foot soldiers—for the defense of Moravia. … As a consequence, on top of the heavy annual tax of one hundred gulden on each community, a tax of fifty gulden was added on every house. … [634] In many places livestock, grain, wine, and other goods were taken in lieu of the tax at a much lower valuation than our selling price. In addition, several communities had to quarter soldiers for many weeks in summer and winter. On their marches back and forth, the soldiers often overran our communities, and we had to give them food—as much as they wanted. … Through this heavy consumption, our food supply was greatly diminished.


The area of the Thirty Years’s War. Bohemia and Moravia are underlined in red, as are Prague just below Bohemia
and Vienna somewhat south of Moravia. Heinrich’s city of residence, Wessely, is marked by a small x.

In the year 1619 we still had the hope and the great longing that the war between the Holy Roman Emperor Matthias and the Bohemian Protestants would come to an end, not only to save the church community and the whole country from further harm, but also to bring relief from the heavy taxes which … were imposed on us in the year 1618. On March 20, 1619, however, the emperor Matthias I died, and King Ferdinand continued the Bohemian War that had started under Emperor Matthias. Through his generals … he acted with a brutality never known before in the kingdom of Bohemia—the war only continued all the more intense and widespread—and the Bohemian Estates tried to get the Moravians to support their side (while the king thought Moravia was on his side).

[635] As a consequence, Count Heinrich Matthias von Thurn, lieutenant general to the Crown of Bohemia, marched into Moravia in early spring with a large number of cavalry and infantry. He succeeded—although not without opposition—in convincing the Moravian Estates to support Bohemia as allies. … The Catholic lords, who held the power and the chief positions in Moravia at that time, were deposed from office, and the most important ones were imprisoned. Just as in Bohemia at that time, directors or provincial governors were elected from the three remaining Estates.… All of this gave rise to Ferdinand’s hatred toward this country.

Now Count von Thurn…, who had marched from Moravia to Vienna in Austria with his Bohemian troops and a good number of Moravian forces, had to leave Vienna and return to Bohemia because enemies were vandalizing his country. As Moravia was now without soldiers, King Ferdinand sent in several thousand men under General Dampierre to force Moravia to submit to his rule again.

This terrible and remorseless punishment … fell most heavily on the church communities of the Lord, although they were innocent of all that was going on. They suffered incalculable damage and unspeakably great sorrow, trouble, and anxiety from robbery, murder, and fire at the hands of Dampierre’s soldiers, and even more from the ungodly Hungarians. …

[646] In the year 1620 the terrible war continued to spread. … [I]t grew worse and worse until nearly all kingdoms and countries were in revolt. The emperor Ferdinand II, who had come to power on the death of Emperor Matthias, grew more and more hostile because the Bohemians, Moravians, Silesians, Upper and Lower Lusatians, with the help of the Hungarians, had chosen and crowned Frederick, the elector palatine of the Rhine, as king of Bohemia. In order to crush this rebellion, Emperor Ferdinand II recruited bands of cruel men from distant countries: Poles, Croatians, Frenchmen, Walloons, Spaniards, and Italians. He enlisted them to fight against Frederick and his allies, who were relying too heavily on their own strength and good fortune. …

In 1620, because of this terrible war, the communities again suffered incalculable grief and misery—worse than anything the church had endured before.

[657] The distress and misery already described continued into the year 1621. It was an evil year, full of anguish. … On January 23, as the imperial army reached the Hungarian frontier and the Hungarian army made its way over the Little Carpathians, our two coummunities at Wessely and Neudorf were burned to the ground. There were a few at Wessely who [658] were too sick to flee, and with no one able to help them, they died an agonizing death in the fire.

Wessely was rebuilt several decades later, but Heinrich and family were not part of that rebuilding. We do not know where they fled before the fury of the forces of the Holy Roman Empire. We know that many Hutterites fled east to Hungary, while others tried to stay out of sight in Moravia. In time they were impelled by more than the ravages of war to leave Moravia, for 1622 saw the proclamation of an imperial decree:

Neither they nor their fellows in faith were to be tolerated any longer, not only in Moravia but in any country under the emperor’s power. Even in Transylvania [to the east of of Moravia] they would not be safe but would be a people marked for death. (Hutterian Brethren 1987, 670)

If Heinrich had not already left Moravia by this point (I suspect that he left after the 1621 razing of Wessely), he most certainly did so now. Interestingly, however, the next we know of Heinrich, he is no longer in a Hutterite Bruderhof (allow that to sink in for a moment: Heinrich left both his home and his community of faith). Rather, he is now living in a Mennonite community on the banks of another river 400 miles to the north of Wessely. That journey will be the subject of our next post in the series From Brüttisellen to Lushton


Source

Hutterian Brethren. 1987. The Chronicle of the Hutterian Brethren. Vol. 1. Rifton, N.Y.: Plough.


Tuesday, March 17, 2015

Kids and their critters

One last photograph from that day in 1940. From left to right we see Alma, Ruth, and Wayne. Each one is holding a puppy (at least I think all three are dogs, not rabbits): Alma’s is completely white; Ruth’s, white with a dark face and head but a white stripe down the middle; Wayne’s, dark all over.

Does anyone remember the names of these puppies (or if they are puppies)?





Monday, March 16, 2015

From Brüttisellen to Lushton 5

We have already learned that in 1602 Heinrich Bühler emigrated from his homeland Switzerland to Moravia, specifically, to a Hutterite Bruderhof near Wessely, on the east bank of the Marava River. Apart from four missionary journeys back to Zurich, Heinrich lived at least the next twelve years (probably more), until 1614, in the Wessely Bruderhof. So what can we discover about this Hutterite farm colony and the surrounding area?

Sudomír’s original castle was converted to a
Renaissance palace in the mid-1500s.
According to the Czechoslovakian blogger referenced earlier (see here), the town got its start with the building of a castle (one of at least three erected to provide a defensive perimeter against attacks from the east) by a nobleman named Sudomír during the 1250s. Over time, an actual town grew up around the fortifications.

The Hutterites first entered Moravia in large numbers during the 1520s; their numbers only continued to increase, which led them to to found new Bruderhofs where they could practice their communal lifestyle. The Chronicle of the Hutterian Brethren includes the following record for the year 1545:

At Martinmas [Nov. 11] Jakob Säckler bought a house on our behalf from a nobleman at Wessely. We moved in, but on June 2, 1546, it burned down, and we made a contract with the owner for the burned-out site.
     On St. Catherine’s Day [Apr. 30] Michael Matschidel, our servant of the Lord’s Word at that time, bought another house on our behalf in Wessely. This house, too, burned down in the fire of 1546. The lord at Wessely gave us another burned-out site in exchange, situated by the upper gate near the March River. This location was more convenient for us, and we built a new house there in 1547. (Hutterian Brethren 1987, 244)

The translator of The Chronicle adds: “The Hutterites occupied a house adjoining the seigneurial zoological gardens in the Wessely suburb of Břeh” (Hutterian Brethren 1987, 244 n. 1). Where this zoological garden was located remains unclear, although Beck (1883, 165 n. 3) indicates that it was located on the southwest corner of town, opposite the Milokošt neighborhood or, perhaps better, suburb.

The Milokošt area today, facing southwest and thus looking toward the Morava River in the distance

In any event, this is in all likelihood the colony, or commune, where Heinrich and family lived when they joined this Bruderhof in 1602. (Recall that a Bruderhof was usually a collection of several communal houses organized around a common square.)

Although we have been associating Heinrich and family with the town Wessely, we need to keep in mind the fact that Heinrich was not a city-dweller per se. Rather, as we learned earlier, Heinrich was a vinedresser (see here), one who prunes and cares for grape vines. Whether he brought these skills with him from Switzerland or acquired them later, they certainly were appropriate for his Moravian home.

Modern vineyard in the Veselí nad Moravou area
According to the Tourist Centre of the Veselsko Region, viticulture and wine-making first began in this area in the mid-1500s (i.e., roughly when the Hutterites established a Bruderhof here) but expanded significantly during the 1600s and 1700s (see here). Grapes were grown only on the manors, it seems, so we should probably imagine Heinrich working for one of the lords of the manors, caring for the lord’s grapes to be used in the lord’s wine-making operations.

Much more could be written about the history of the town and the beauty of the area, but those interested in exploring further are better off going directly to the Tourist Centre website here. There you will find a complete discussion of the area’s history of vine-growing and wine-making, gorgeous photographs of the palace park and the Morava River, and much more.

After exploring the town and the area, you may wonder why Heinrich and family ever left. That part of the story must wait for another post on another day, as we work our way forward on the road from Brüttisellen to Lushton.


Sources

Beck, Josef, ed. 1883. Die Geschichts-Bücher der Wiedertäufer in Oesterreich-Ungarn, … 1526–1785. Vienna: Carl Gerold’s Sohn. Available online here.

Hutterian Brethren. 1987. The Chronicle of the Hutterian Brethren. Vol. 1. Rifton, N.Y.: Plough.

Zeman, Jarold K. 1967. Historical Topography of Moravian Anabaptism. MQR 41:116–60. See no. 171 for Wessely.


Sunday, March 15, 2015

Mennonite history

Exploring and learning about our family history, especially within the context of Mennonite and even world history, has never been more convenient than it is today. In addition to resources such as the Global Anabaptist Mennonite Encyclopedia Online and the Grandma database, many websites and webpages offering both primary historical records and guides to accessing those records (see, e.g., here).

Even those of us who prefer a traditional book format are well served these days. For example, all those reading this post have easy access to one of the standard histories of the Mennonites, C. Henry Smith’s The Mennonites: A Brief History of Their Origin and Later Development in Both Europe and America (1920).




The book is old enough that it has entered the public domain (i.e., it is no longer under copyright), so the Internet Archive has scanned it and made it available for free to anyone who wants to read it. You can read it online in a page-flip format as shown above (go ahead and click on the right page to turn it to the next page) or download it to your computer, tablet, or phone to read it whenever you want (see further below).

Although the work is now nearly a hundred years old, it remains a reliable, informative, and engaging guide to the birth of the Anabaptists and then Mennonites and their journey through and spread across Europe and North America.

I especially recommend chapters 1 and 2, on the Anabaptists and Menno Simons; chapter 6.1, on Moravia; chapter 7, on Russia; and chapter 16, on immigration from Russia. York County makes a brief appearance in this last chapter.

To read the book online in a page-flip format, go here.

To download the book as a PDF, EPUB, or Kindle file, go here. (The EPUB and Kindle files offer uncorrected text created by optical character recognition, I assume, so they may be typographically “messy.”)

As I find them, I will alert you to other online books of interest. Happy reading!


Source

Smith, C. Henry. 1920. The Mennonites: A Brief History of Their Origin and Later Development in Both Europe and America. Berne, IN: Mennonite Book Concern.


Saturday, March 14, 2015

From Brüttisellen to Lushton 4

It’s time to get back on track with Heinrich Bühler and his offspring (our family) on the road from Brüttisellen to Lushton. To recap …

1. We began in a small village named Brüttisellen just outside of Zurich, Switzerland (see here), the original home of Heinrich Bühler and who knows how many generations of ancestors before him.

2. At some point Heinrich adopted the Anabaptist faith, and in 1602, no doubt fearing for his and his family’s safety, he fled more than 500 miles east to Moravia, where he joined a Hutterite Bruderhof (see further here).

3. According to the Mennonitisches Lexikon, Heinrich returned to Zurich at least four times, the last time in 1614, when he was imprisoned and then threatened with more severe punishment if ever he showed his face in Zurich again (see here; so also The Chronicle of the Hutterian Brethren).

4. The Mennonitisches Lexikon also identifies Heinrich’s place of residence in Moravia: a Hutterite Bruderhof known as Weselen, which is where we pick up the story now.

Obviously, the first questions that come to mind are: Where is Weselen? Does it still exist, or is it, like Kleefeld our later home, nothing more than a spot in a field? Answering these questions is not as simple as one would think, since Google knows of no such city or village today. As luck would have it, however, a Czechoslovakian blogger with an interest in genealogy discusses a town in Moravia Veselí nad Moravou that probably is our ancestor’s home (see here). He writes:

We know a few versions of the name Veselí: Wessele, Weseli, Wessely, and from 1437 on also a German form Wessels. The phrase “nad Moravou” was added in 1883 to distinguish this town from another homonymic towns [sic].

All the forms bear a strong resemblance to the name given in the Menninitisches Lexicon, the main difference being an -n at the end of Weselen, which is most likely a case ending, not part of the basic stem or root Wesel-.

Although the mention of at least one town with a similar-sounding name (it is unclear if the blogger means “another homonymic town” or “other homonymic towns”) should caution us against jumping to conclusions, a map of Hutterite Bruderhofs during this period seems to cinch the case.


As noted earlier, Nikolsburg was the center of Hutterite life in Moravia, but around a hundred Bruderhofs populated the area. According to the key to the map above, number 82 (far right and just north of center) was a Bruderhof named Wessely. This Bruderhof was located just east of the March River, which is now known as the Maravou or, more commonly, Marava River. The correspondence between Wessely, Weselen, and Veselí nad Maravou seems conclusive.

Assuming that all this is correct, we can now sketch Heinrich and his family’s journey a little more accurately, a journey that took them over 500 miles from Zurich to a town on the border between Moravia and Hungary.


The next post will finally take a look around the area of Veselí nad Maravou, which will offer further evidence that our ancestor Heinrich Bühler did call this town home four centuries ago.

In the meantime, I leave you with a comment from our Czechoslovakian blogger that is at least a little intriguing:

Most common among the oldest surnames [in Veselí nad Maravou] are: Bílek, Brumovský, Buráň, Cigánek, Čambala, Čech, Čermáček, Čermák, Černoch, Černý, Červenka, Dobrozemský, Doubrava, Fiala, Gazda, Gregůrek, Groš, Hanák, Heinrich, Horký, Húska, Chmelařík, Jalubský, Kadlček, Karas, Kočí, Kolář, Komoň, Královský, Kratochvíl, Krejčí, Krušina, Kučera, Kůrka, Kutalík, Kuželka, Macháček, Maršálek, Menšík, Novák, Pleva, Pokorný, Polášek, Příborský, Scholtz, Skupina, Slanina, Smutný, Spěváček, Springer, Švec, Vadovský, Vojtík, Všetula, Zámečník, Zbořil, Žilka.

Maybe it is mere coincidence, but I am struck by the similarity of the last name listed with a last name that we have already encountered, way back here.


Friday, March 13, 2015

A photographic rabbit trail

The full or partial family photographs shown earlier were not the only pictures taken on that day in 1940 (?). The two shown below apparently stem from the same day, since the clothes are once again the same as in the others.

The first picture is of nine-year-old Daniel (possibly ten) squatted down on the cement landing just outside the gate and trellis. If you look closely, you can see that he is holding something on his lap, since parts of his tie and leg are hidden, and his right hand seems to be cupped around some object. Look more closely and you can see a black spot above Daniel’s left leg and the outline of a long ear just under his chin.




The photograph of two-year-old Alma shows more clearly what Daniel is holding: a nice-sized white rabbit. As you may recall, the family had rabbit hutches in the area of buildings 9, 10, and 11 in the farmstead photo one post down. If any of the kids would like to fill in more details, answers would be welcome to the following questions:
  • On average, how many rabbits did they raise at one time?

  • Were they raised for food or fun or sale or all of the above?

  • Are the hutches visible in the (later) farmstead photograph?




Sunday, March 8, 2015

Oops … plus Grandpa and the boys

Unlike books, which after they are printed cannot be fixed without destroying a lot of inventory and printing new copies, a blog can be corrected at any point and in a matter of minutes.

For example, the statement in the previous post about the photograph of Grandma and the girls being taken at the Isaac G. and Sarah Epp Franz farm was a mistake based on a misunderstanding. In fact, the photo in that post and the one below were both taken at Grandpa and Grandma’s Lushton farm, on the south side of the house (actually, facing the southeast corner). The approximate (!) location is marked with an x in the numbered photo farther below.




Now that we are clear on the location from which the photo was taken, a few observations:
  1. The trellis in the background of the Grandma–girls and Grandpa–boys photos is not the same as in the full family picture, since it is far too small for any adult to walk through. Presumably it was a trellis for some sort of climbing vine.

  2. Behind and between Matilda and Grandma one can see what appears to be a cellar entrance. Assuming I understand correctly, this is where one entered the cellar before Grandpa excavated the full basement.

  3. The covered porch visible in the color farmstead photograph had not yet been added by 1940, when the three family photos were taken. Does anyone know when Grandpa added that porch?



All that the earlier post wrote about the location of Isaac G. and Sarah Epp Franz’s farm was correct, irrelevant for these photos but nonetheless correct. We will return to that farm in the near future, as there are several old photographs that actually were taken on the Franz family farm.


Saturday, March 7, 2015

Grandma and the girls

I am told that the photograph below was taken at the farm of Grandma’s parents: Isaac G. and Sarah Epp Franz. One might further suggest that it was taken the same day as the photo from the last post (see here), since everyone in the photograph is wearing exactly the same clothes (even socks) as in the prior photo. Maltilda and Grandma are in back, of course, with Alma, Ruth, Darlene, and Esther in front (left to right).





Speaking of Isaac and Sarah Franz’s farm, where exactly was it? I trust those who actually know to correct the following as needed, but I believe it was a mile east of Peter P and Margaretha’s farm, which would mean that it was roughly a 4.5-mile drive from Grandpa and Grandma’s farm south of Lushton.

The 1911 plat map below indicates that Jacob Epp, Grandma’s grandfather (see here) owned most of the north half of section 15 in Henderson township; note that Peter P owned the southeast quarter of section 11 at that time (in other words, Grandpa and Grandma lived relatively close growing up).




Thirteen years later, in 1924, some of the Jacob Epp farm was owned by Isaac Franz, Grandma’s father (see map below).




The simplest explanation is that after Jacob and Margaretha Epp died (1921 and 1922, respectively), the farm passed to or was purchased by Grandma’s parents: Isaac G. and Sarah Epp Franz—and some years later, in 1940 and Grandpa and Grandma and their eight kids drove up the rode to take several family photographs on Grandma’s family farm.

Now if I only knew exactly what the building in the background is …


Thursday, March 5, 2015

And we’re back …

Sorry for the hiatus. It’s annoying when too much work gets in the way of the really important things in life, namely, Buller Time. A brief photograph-based post to get us back on track …




The photo shows, of course, the entire family (left to right): Grandpa and Grandma in back; Matilda, Daniel, and Esther in front of them; then Wayne, Carl, and Darlene; and, finally, Alma and Ruth in front. Looking closely a little behind Darlene, you can also see either the back end of a fluffy-tailed white dog or perhaps a chicken bent over eating. Even further in the background is a white dog with a dark face standing and looking at the family.

The photograph was taken in front of the Lushton farmhouse, probably in 1940 (since Alma looks to be two or so). Referring to the photograph below, the picture was taken roughly where the arrow starts and faces the direction of the arrow.




Thanks to Dad and Suely for providing a scan of the family photo above, as well as a number of others that will make their way to Buller Time over the coming days.


Friday, February 27, 2015

Anabaptist history

For those who want to learn much more about the history of Anabaptism (and have a lot of time on their hands), the videos linked below may be a good place to turn. The twenty-two class sessions (each over an hour in length) are led by Dean Taylor and were filmed at Faith Builders Educational Programs (Guy Mills, Pennsylvania).

One might want to begin with day 5, when the topic turns to the Reformation. Note also days 13 and 14, which deal with the Hutterites, and day 18, which turns to the Russian experience.



Thursday, February 26, 2015

History of Anabaptism video 2

An earlier video (see here) touched on the origins of Anabaptism before focusing on the Hutterite influence on the modern Bruderhof movement. The video embedded below provides further details on the 1525 birth of Anabaptism in Zurich as well as the persecution and spread of Anabaptism over the following centuries. The video, titled “The Spread of the Anabaptists: The Story of the Amish, Mennonites, and Hutterites,” was produced for a Lancaster, Pennsylvania, historical society, hence the focus on Lancaster at the outset.






Tuesday, February 24, 2015

From Brüttisellen to Lushton 3

The road from Brüttisellen has led us thus far to a Hutterite Bruderhof in Moravia (see here). Before we stop and look around at our Moravian wilderness experience (to appropriate a biblical concept), we need to tie up some loose ends.

Little by little additional details of Heinrich Bühler’s life are falling into place, most recently thanks to an article on him in the Mennonitisches Lexikon. First the article in full (German original, written by Christian Neff, below), then a few observations.

Bühler, Heinrich, a Täufer [Baptist] from Brütisell in the county of Kyburg in Switzerland (Canton of Zurich) moved in 1602 with his wife and children to Moravia. Four times he came back to his home as an emissary of the Hutterite Brethren to work for emigration to Moravia. When he left Moravia the fourth time, he brought many letters given him by his Swiss brothers and sisters for their loved ones at home. He was imprisoned in the Wellenberg with his companion Joachim Arbel. During his interrogation he stated that he had come home from Weselen (a Hutterite Brethren Bruderhof), having received from the Brotherhood a command to visit his friends in Switzerland, to persuade them to go with him to Moravia. He had been in the country (Switzerland) six weeks. On 6 July 1614 the prisoners were released from their [imprisonment], after they promised not to return, “failing which it would be counted as perjury and they would be punished accordingly.” Their return to Moravia was delayed until autumn. Nothing further is known about them. See Loserth 1895. (Neff 1913, 290–91)

1. Heinrich’s return to Zurich in 1614 was not the first time he had made the 450-mile journey. In fact, it was his fourth trip home in twelve years.

2. Although Heinrich may well have hoped to claim his inheritance, as stated in The Chronicle of the Hutterian Brethren (see further here), that probably was not his primary reason for returning. Rather, his real purpose was missional: to convince Swiss citizens to join a Hutterite community in Moravia. It was the same reason that led him to return to Zurich the first three times. (As a side note, Heinrich would have turned over any proceeds from the inheritance to his Bruderhof, so he had nothing to gain personally by securing his inheritance.)

3. As stated in the Chronicle, Heinrich brought back letters from fellow Hutterites to their families in Switzerland. (The Loserth article cited at the end of the Neff entry tells quite a bit more about those letters; we will return to that topic in the near future.)

4. The Chronicle differs from the Neff entry in several details: (1) the last name of Heinrich’s companion is Arter in the Chronicle, Arbel here; (2) the Chronicle has the two Hutterites arrested on 9 July and released on 24 October, while the Neff entry does not indicate when the two were arrested but has them released on 6 July. Loserth agrees with Neff and cites the official acts for 6 July found in the Zurich State Archives as evidence.

5. Both sources agree that the two men returned to Moravia in the autumn. The Chronicle attributes this to a long imprisonment, but Loserth explains that the men stayed in the Zurich area until a third Hutterite, Heinrich Hartmann, was also released from prison (Loserth 1895, 209 n. 1).

6. Remarkably, and most important of all, we learn where Heinrich lived in Moravia: in a Bruderhof in Weselen. Now that we know exactly where to look, we are ready to stop and explore our family’s Moravian temporary home. We will do so in the next post in this series; for now a simple photo of Weselen will have to suffice.


Photograph © Honnyho Žblecht. Posted on Flickr here.


Bühler, Heinrich, ein Täufer aus Brütisell in der Grafschaft Kyburg in der Schwiez (Kanton Zürich), war 1602 mit Frau und Kindern nach Mähren verzogen. Viermal kam er wieder in seine Heimat als Emissär der huterischen Brüder, um für die Auswanderung nach Mähren zu wirken. Als er das vierte Mal Mähren verließ, kam er viele Briefe mit, die ihm seine schweizerischen Brüder und Schwestern für ihre Lieben in der Heimat mitgaben. Er wurde mit seinem Gefährten [291] Joachim Arbel in dem Wellenberg gefangen gehalten. Bei seinem Verhör gab er an, daß er von Hause Weselen (Haushabe der huterischen Brüder) gekommen sei und von der Bruderschaft daselbst den Befehl erhalten habe seine Freunde in der Schweiz zu besuchen, um sie zu bewegen mit ihm nach Mähren zu ziehen. Sechs Wochen habe er sich im Land (in der Schweiz) ausgehalten. Um 6. Juli 1614 wurden die Gesangenen aus ihrer hast entlassen, nachdem sie zuvor versprochen hatten nicht wieder zurückzukehren, “widrigenfalls es ihnen als Meineid angerechnet und sie darnach gestraft würden.” Ihre Rückkehr nach Mähren verzögerte sich bis in den Herbst. Weiteres ist nicht über sie bekannt. (s. Loserth, “Der Communismus d. mähr. Wiedert.).


Sources

Loserth, Johann. 1895. “Der Communismus der mährischen Wiedertäufer im 16. and 17. Jahrhundert: Beiträge zu ihrer Lehre, Geschichte and Verfassung,” Archiv für österreichische Geschichte 81:135–322. Available online here.

Neff, Christian. 1913. Bühler. Pages 290–91 in vol. 1 of Mennonitisches Lexikon. Edited by Christian Hege and Christian Neff. Frankfurt am Main: Hege and Neff.



Monday, February 23, 2015

History of Anabaptism video 1

In 1920 Eberhard Arnold, inspired by Jesus’s Sermon on the Mount as well as Anabaptist writings rediscovered in the late nineteenth century, established a Bruderhof community in Sannerz, Germany. The video embedded below offers a brief (5:33) explanation of the relation of the modern Bruderhof movement to Anabaptists in general and Hutterites in particular, teaching us about Anabaptist and Hutterite history along the way.





To learn more about Eberhard Arnold and the Bruderhof movement, see here.

Sunday, February 22, 2015

From Brüttisellen to Lushton 2

The first post in this series (see here) began with our ancestor Heinrich Bühler (aka the younger) in Brüttisellen, a village 6 miles northeast of Zurich, Switzerland. We then traced his journey in 1602 to Moravia 450 miles to the east. This post explores the Anabaptist exodus to Moravia in greater detail, in order to contextualize Heinrich’s 1602 emigration and life in Moravia.

Execution of two Mennonites in the Netherlands; they were
strangled, held over a fire, then killed with a pitchfork.
As has been noted several times, the Anabaptist movement suffered persecution almost immediately after it arose. In all cases the persecutors were the officials of the state religion and their political allies, whether the Catholic Church (e.g., in Austria or the Spanish-controlled parts of the Netherlands) or the Reformed Church (e.g., in Switzerland). With regard to the latter, C. Henry Smith elaborates:

The story of the persecution of the Mennonites in the land of their origin, the Swiss Republic, supposedly the home of religious toleration, was the most bitter and the most disgraceful in all the annals of Europe. They were relentlessly attacked by both State and Church for nearly three hundred years. The death penalty was inflicted until well within the seventeenth century; they were condemned to serve as galley slaves as late as the eighteenth century; and were left to rot in filthy prisons, and banished to foreign lands up to the beginning of the nineteenth century. (Smith 1920, 83)

As a result of this persecution, which was particularly fierce in the Zurich area, many Anabaptists fled to more tolerant locations. A favored destination was Moravia, then part of the Kingdom of Bohemia. Although Bohemia was ruled by the staunch Catholic Archduke Ferdinand of Habsburg (beginning in 1556, Holy Roman Emperor Ferdinand I), the lords of the manor cities were the real power on the local level, and they generally had little interest in persecuting otherwise industrious subjects.

Moravia (dark green) within the context of today’s Czech Republic
(dark gray) and the surrounding nations.
So it was that beginning in the 1530s thousands of Anabaptists flocked to Moravia. Except for a few limited times of persecution, they were able to live in relative peace and safety. One of these Anabaptist groups was the Hutterites (or Hutterian Brethren), who fled to Moravia from Tyrol (Austria). By the end of the sixteenth century (i.e., just before Heinrich immigrated), Hutterites in Moravia numbered 17,000 or more.

The Hutterites adhered to all of the typical Anabaptist beliefs—adult baptism of believers, nonviolence, and separation from the world—but also practiced a community of goods, giving up their claims to private ownership and holding all possessions in common. To that end, Hutterites were organized into Bruderhofs (farm colonies). Friedmann writes:

Bruderhofs were quite elaborate establishments consisting as a rule of several larger and smaller houses…, usually around a village common or square. The ground floor of the buildings was used for community living: dining hall, kitchen, and rooms for nursery, school, laundry, spinning, weaving, and sewing, and also for maternity rooms. The roofs (thatch mixed with clay to make them fireproof, a much-discussed invention of the Brethren) were high and steep so that the attics contained two stories of small chambers (Stuben, Oertel) where the married couples lived with their small children. 

By the beginning of the seventeenth century, there were around one hundred Bruderhofs scattered across Moravia, although they were clustered most densely around the city of Nikolsburg.

So why this long excursus on Moravia and the Hutterites? Because Heinrich Bühler did not simply emigrate to Moravia to live alongside the Hutterites and other Anabaptists. According to the account of his imprisonment in The Chronicle of the Hutterian Brethren (see here), Heinrich was a Hutterite who returned to Zurich from Moravia in 1614 to claim his inheritance.

We will probably never know when Heinrich became a Hutterite—Was he won over by Hutterian missionaries to the Zurich area, or did he flee Brüttisellen for Moravia on his own and join the Hutterites after encountering them there?—or where exactly in Moravia Heinrich lived, but we can have a good sense of his life while he was there.

He no doubt lived in a Bruderhof along with his wife and children and alongside his Hutterite brothers and sisters. He dined with them, worked with them, and worshiped with them. In short, he became a part of the Bruderhof community. That community life was short-lived, however, and it was not too many years before Heinrich had to pick up and move his family to a safer locale once again. That is a story for another post, but before that we should stop and look around a bit at the area of Moravia in which Heinrich may have lived, which will be the subject of the next post in the series.

Sources

Friedmann, Robert. 1953. Bruderhof. Global Anabaptist Mennonite Encyclopedia Online.

Smith, C. Henry. 1920. The Mennonites: A Brief History of Their Origin and Later Development in Both Europe and America. Berne, IN: Mennonite Book Concern. Available online here.

Wednesday, February 18, 2015

From Brüttisellen to Lushton 1

Assuming the line traced from Grandpa back to Heinrich Bühler in the early seventeenth century (see here) is correct, we know that the earliest known point of our family journey lies in Switzerland, in a small village outside of Zurich. So how did get from point A to point B, from where we were at the beginning of the seventeenth century to where we ended up in the first half of the twentieth century? Over the course of the next week or two we will explore, in varying degrees of detail, the main points on the journey from Switzerland to the United States, from the Canton of Zurich to a farm just south of Lushton, Nebraska. Who knows? We may even construct an actual map of our family wanderings along the way.

Wangen-Brüttisellen today.


We begin in the region of Zurich, Switzerland. If the Heinrich Bühler who died in 1613 (see here) is our first known ancestor (I suspect he was), our story begins in the village of Feldbach, on the north shore of Lake Zurich. If the elder Heinrich was not the father of Heinrich Bühler the younger, whose return to Zurich is recounted The Chronicle of the Hutterian Brethren, then our story starts with the younger Heinrich, in the village of Brüttisellen, 6 miles northeast of Zurich (or 16 miles northwest of Feldbach).

Either way, we can say with relative certainty that our earliest known ancestors were of Swiss stock. We can also conclude that they were Anabaptists, at least beginning with Heinrich the younger. If, as we suspect, Heinrich the younger was born around 1580, then by his early twenties he had joined an Anabaptist church or community. How do we know this? Because in 1602 Heinrich the younger left his native Switzerland and settled in Moravia, roughly 450 miles to the east (see further here).

Why did Heinrich move his family so far away? Only one explanation makes sense. The Switzerland of his day was dominated by the Reformed Church established by Huldrych Zwingli (1484–1531), a state church that had no patience with or tolerance of the individualistic, nonconforming Anabaptists. As the ruling power, the Reformed authorities sought to stamp out every trace of Anabaptist practice and thought, often using any means necessary.

During the mid-1500s many Swiss Anabaptists fled for their lives to safer locales in the surrounding states, including Prussia. But beginning around 1570, Moravia (in the eastern part of today’s Czech Republic) became a favored destination. Horst Penner elaborates:

Following this first Swiss flight directly to Prussia, Moravia enjoyed priority in the years 1570–1610; it was the “golden age” of the Hutterites. The news of the “promised land” in Moravia and the “new Jerusalem” in Nikolsburg penetrated even into the best circles of the city of Bern. Women from these families—the name Vogt also appears in this context—went with their children to Moravia. Hans Schellenberg, Hanß Albrecht, and Heinrich Buhler from the Canton of Zurich moved from Switzerland and went to Moravia.


Route from Brüttisellen, Switzerland, to Nikolsburg (modern Mikulov), Moravia.

The only reasonable explanation for Heinrich Bühler the younger’s actions is that he left Brüttisellen in order to avoid persecution, quite possibly to save his and his family members’ lives. By fleeing the area for the safety of Moravia, Heinrich saved himself and his family from the fate of Hans Landis of Zurich, who was executed in 1614, the last of a long line of Swiss Anabaptist martyrs (Smith 1920, 85).

Step 1, then, involved a journey of around 450 miles from Switzerland to Moravia. We will talk more about Moravia in the next post of this series. I think we've covered quite enough ground for one day.

Sources

Penner, Horst. 1978. Die ost- und westpreussischen Mennoniten in ihrem religiösen und sozialen Leben in ihren kulturellen und wirtschaftlichen Leistungen. Weierhof: Mennonitischer Geschichtsverein.

Smith, C. Henry. 1920. The Mennonites: A Brief History of Their Origin and Later Development in Both Europe and America. Berne, IN: Mennonite Book Concern. Available online here.


Monday, February 16, 2015

From Kleefeld with Love 3

We pick up the story in the earlier post about Kleefeld (see here) as Anna (Enns) Harder Klein narrates several visits to Kleefeld many years after the horrible events of the late 1920s through the mid-1940s.

Now I wish to relate something of our journey back to our Heimat in Russia. … We left in July of 1963. Brother Gerhard accompanied us. We were overwhelmed with emotion as we approached our village of Kleefeld. We wandered about everywhere, peering over the hedges and examining the gardens. At the cemetery we were able to locate stones with familiar names, including father’s and grandfather Wiens’s grave. … Many of the gravestones were broken. … We traversed the village, back and forth. Some houses were in ruins. … Our parents’ home was still standing, but the barn and machine shed had been dismantled. …
     In June of 1976, my husband and I returned again. Much had changed in the intervening thirteen years. Alexanderkrone had been nicely built up. The church/school building had been converted into a clubhouse. Many of the houses had been dismantled and the materials taken to Neukirch. Friedensruh was almost entirely dismantled. No trace was left of Pragenau and Steinfeld. Here everything was plowed under. Almost nothing was left of our beloved Kleefeld. The cemetery had been entirely destroyed and the area now used as a manure pile. This upset me terribly. Not far from Melitopol, I later met a Russian woman with whom I had gone to school. When I began speaking about the cemetery in Kleefeld, I became quite agitated and said I couldn’t imagine someone stooping so low as to use a cemetery for a manure pile. She agreed with me. (Harder 2003, 190–92)

The site of Kleefeld today. No trace of the village is visible from the air.
As noted in a 2014 post about Kleefed (see here, scroll down), none of the village’s houses or buildings or streets remain today.

It seems that some portions of the village were burned during World War II. John Harder explains: “Sara [Helene Harder Käppel] made a last visit … to her beloved Kleefeld just as the German Wehrmacht (occupation army during World War Two) ordered the evacuation of all Germans to Germany ahead of the retreating troops. As she left Kleefeld for the last time, she looked back and saw her beloved village in flames” (Harder 2003, 193, quoting Leland Harder, The Blumstein Legacy,  130).

The buildings within Kleefeld that avoided the torch in the 1940s no doubt included those that still stood in 1963. In all likelihood, they were dismantled or collapsed during the late 1960s and early 1970s, with useable materials being used somewhere else and rubble carted away. Whatever the cause or course of their demolition, they are certainly gone forever now.

Photograph of 1930 Kleefeld school children reproduced in Harder 2003, 93.
Photograph provided by Gerhard Dyck, Winnipeg.
No one can say what would have happened to Grandpa and Grandma, their children, and my generation had our ancestors remained in Molotschna. Nor can we say what happened to the Bullers who did stay in Kleefeld, such as the three Buller children Abraham, Neta, and Katja identified in the photograph to the right.

All we can know is that we are the fortunate ones who benefit even now from our forebears’ brave decision to leave.

Source

Harder, John A., ed. and trans. 2003. From Kleefeld with Love. Kitchener, Ontario: Pandora Press. From Kleefeld with Love can be purchased here.



Saturday, February 14, 2015

From Kleefeld with Love 2

A post from several weeks ago (here) mentioned the book From Kleefeld with Love, edited and translated by John A. Harder (2003). The book presents a series of letters “written by Mennonite women during the onset of Soviet Russia’s most turbulent years, 1925 to 1933.” The book reveals in stark terms what turns the lives of Grandpa and Grandma and their children would have taken, had their forebears remained in Kleefeld and never journeyed to the U.S.

In a letter written decades after Stalin’s first Five-Year Plan (1928–1932) and World War II (1939–1945), Anna (Enns) Harder Klein reflected on the events of those terrible years. I include a portion of the letter in this post, with more to follow in a subsequent post:

Our dear Heimat [home] has been lost to us forever, but our precious memories still remain. Our dear forebears worked diligently to provide a sunny and comfortable home for us. Unfortunately, today our village is in ruins. …
     After studying ten years at the Zentralschule [high school] in Alexanderkrone, I began teaching in Kleefeld, and then for two years in Alexanderkrone. In 1925 I moved to Friedensruh, where I met David Harder. We were married on June 27, 1937. Sadly, our marriage came to an abrupt end four months and three days later on October 30,1937, when he was arrested. He went missing and was never heard from again. Our son David D. was born on June 4, 1938, but he never did get to see his father. Between 1935 and 1938, many men were arrested without cause. Almost all of them were never heard from again. Stalin actually arrested huge numbers. More accurately, he had them killed. After this we had the dreadful war [World War Two] that brought further death to additional thousands upon thousands.

[189] My brother Gerhard was sent to the Swerdlovskaja camp Tirdel Ubgest. Here he stayed, along with 18 other men from Kleefeld. All but Gerhard and Jacob Voth, son of Franz Voth, died there of starvation.… The German-speaking men and young boys from the various villages had been herded together like animals being driven for watering at the river. Then they were loaded onto wagons and taken to various camps, 15,000 men in all. Please read what follows carefully. Of these 15,000 only 4,000 were still alive in 1944. It would require a substantial book to adequately record the suffering of our German people in Russia. (Harder 2003, 188–90)

From Kleefeld with Love can be purchased here.

Source

Harder, John A., ed. and trans. 2003. From Kleefeld with Love. Kitchener, Ontario: Pandora Press

Thursday, February 12, 2015

Buijler time

That is how a Dutch elder from the eighteenth century spelled our family name: Buijler. That is just one of the interesting revelations from Horst Penner’s discussion of the origin of our name, part of a 135-page chapter discussing a host of Mennonite names from East and West Prussia.

Presented without comment (for now) is the entire entry on our family name (with the original German below):

The Bullers from the Kulm and Schwetz lowland likely come from Switzerland.
     In 1602 Heinrich Bühler, a Täufer [Baptist], moved from Brüttisellen in the county of Kyburg in Switzerland (Canton of Zurich), with his wife and children to Moravia. In 1614 he returned along with another brother from Moravia to Switzerland to deliver letters, among other things, but primarily to inquire concerning his inheritance. He was thrown in the Zurich tower and finally, after fifteen weeks in prison, where he resisted all attempts at conversion and threats, was dismissed to Moravia.
     When the Täufer community was expelled from Moravia several years later, the Bühlers probably went to West Prussia and joined the Old Flemish community in Schönsee—in 1800 these communities were still called the “Swiss communities.”
     In 1719 Berents Hulshoff [Hendrik Berents] among the local Old Flemish called the name Buijler (Dutch spelling), which through development became Büller by 1776 and Buller today. Even so, however, the form Buller already existed in 1695 in Schönsee.


Die BULLER aus der Kulmer und Schwetzer Niederung kommen wahrscheinlich aus der Schweiz.
     Im Jahre 1602 ist Heinrich Bühler, ein Täufer aus Brütisell in der Grafschaft Kyburg in der Schweiz (Kanton Zürich), mit Frau und Kindern nach Mähren verzogen. Im Jahre 1614 kommt er zusammen mit einem anderen Bruder aus Mähren in die Schweiz, um unter anderem Briefe zu überbringen, in der Hauptsache aber wegen seiner Erbschaft nachzufragen. Er wird in Zürich in den Turm geworfen und schließlich nach 15 Wochen Haft, in der er allen Bekehrungsversuchen und Drollungen widerstanden hatte, nach Mähren entlassen. — Als die Taufergemeinschaft in den nächsten Jahren aus Mähren vertrieben wurde, sind die Bühlers wahrscheinlich nach Westpreußen gezogen und haben sich der alt flämischen Gemeinde in Schönsee angeschlossen—diese Gemeinden werden noch um 1800 die “Schweizer Gemeinden” genannt.
     1719 nennt Berents Hulshoff unter den dortigen alten Flamingern den Namen Buijler (holländ. Schreibweise), der in der Konsignation von 1776 zu Büller und heute zu Buller geworden ist. Da neben existiert allerdings auch schon im Jahre 1695 in Schönsee die Namensform Buller. (Penner 1978, 245–46)

Source

Penner, Horst. 1978. Die ost- und westpreussischen Mennoniten in ihrem religiösen und sozialen Leben in ihren kulturellen und wirtschaftlichen Leistungen. Weierhof: Mennonitischer Geschichtsverein.

Wednesday, February 11, 2015

Heinrich’s inheritance?

People from around the world are interested in their histories, their origins, and every day more of them post their discoveries online. André Gut of Switzerland, for example, has posted the results of his genealogical investigations on the Geneanet website.

Interesting to us is his list of the descendants of Heinrich Bühler of Zurich here. The key information is summarized nicely in the line of descent from Heinrich to André pictured below.




The line of descent lists two Heinrichs and two Felixes in alternating generations. Only the first pair is of interest to us, since the second Heinrich could not be ours, given the 1604 date of birth—too late for our Heinrich’s 1614 visit to Zurich as an adult.

Feldbach as viewed from Lake Zurich
The first Heinrich may be a different story. Elsewhere André Gut states that Heinrich was a farmer, miller, and lieutenant from Feldbach, a village on the north shore of Lake Zurich. He was, in other words, a citizen of Canton Zurich.

The date of his birth is unknown, but the year of his death is given as 1613 (indicated by the † symbol).

Think about that year within the context of the earlier post (see here) about Heinrich spending fifteen weeks in the Zurich prison. When was our Heinrich arrested in Zurich? What reason did he give the lords for journeying back to Zurich from his current home?

Maybe it is just a coincidence, but the juxtaposition of Heinrich the elder passing away in 1613 and our Heinrich arriving in Zurich ostensibly to deal with inheritance matters in mid-1614 is at least a little suggestive. It is too soon to draw conclusions (especially since our Heinrich is reported to have come from Brüttisellen, not Feldbach), but it would not be surprising to learn that this Heinrich was the father of our Heinrich. This would also mean that the first Felix listed in André Gut’s list was our Heinrich’s brother.

Another day, additional questions. Maybe André Gut has access to the original records that contain the answers to this set of questions.


Monday, February 9, 2015

Deutsch Konopat

A visual break from the recent heavy content: the village of Wielki Konopat today. When Heinrich Bühler settled here, it was known as Deutsch Konopat, which comprised Groß Deutsch Konopat on the west and Klein Deutsch Konopat on the east. The photographs below show the village  and its immediate environs today.











Sunday, February 8, 2015

Commentary on the Heinrich the Hutterite post

The 1614 extract from The Chronicle of the Hutterian Brethren presents a fascinating account of Heinrich Bühler’s faithfulness in the face of persecution. That said, certain details in the report can stand further explanation. The following commentary offers additional background to the account, so that it can be fully understood both as a whole and in its particulars. Words and phrases set to bold in the full account receive comment further below.

On July 9, 1614, two brothers—Heinrich Bühler, a vinedresser, and Joachim Arter, a brewer—were captured at Zurich in Switzerland and imprisoned there for fifteen weeks.
     On the third day several lords of the council came to them in prison and summoned each brother separately. They asked them what they were doing in the country—had they come to mislead the people?
     The brothers replied that they had letters and messages to deliver in Zurich and other places, but the main reason for their coming was that both had an inheritance to claim.
     A week later the warden of the dungeon was sent to the brothers with a message that the lords would release them if they promised to leave the country at once and never return.
     The brothers said that on no account could they do this as it was against their faith and conscience.
     After a few days the lords came once more to them in the prison and first rebuked them for obstinately refusing to see that they, the lords, wanted only the best for them.
     Then they accused the brothers of misleading people, despising governmental authority, and rejecting the Christian church, which meant that they were an evil sect and could not be tolerated in the country. The brothers told them quite simply that they had no intention of misleading anyone. They were sorry that so many people were already misled and imprisoned in sin.
     They said they wished to respect governmental authority, as God commands, and be obedient in all that is right, besides paying their rents, taxes, and tithes. But in anything that would be against their faith and conscience, they would obey God rather than men. Regarding the Christian church, they said they valued it so highly that they had left home and fatherland in their desire to join the true church.
     These answers so enraged the lords that they refused to listen any longer. They withdrew in indignation, threatening to send them to the galleys, put them in the pillory, or beat them with rods.
     The town clerk and the town constable in particular sought out the brothers and urged them to abandon their plans and obey the lords if ever they wanted to see their wives and children again.
     The brothers answered that their wives and children were in good hands, so they were not worried about them even if they were never to see them again in this life. They would wait patiently for whatever God ordained.
     For quite a long time after this, the lords neither came to the brothers nor did anything further about them.
     On the last day of the month of July, a violent and terrifying storm broke over the city of Zurich. The Wellenberg tower where the brothers were imprisoned was struck by lightning in three different places. The cathedral and the Spitalkirche in Zurich were struck too.
     This event filled many people with great fear. They believed the storm was a punishment for their sins and for letting innocent men be kept in prison, because the brothers imprisoned in the Wellenberg were completely unharmed. Some encouraged the brothers by saying that these happenings might lead to their release.
     Many others, however, especially the band of Calvinist ministers (before they know that the great cathedral and the Spitalkirche had also been struck) put the worst interpretation on it, saying that in the storm God showed his displeasure with that sect—he was obviously punishing it, since the authorities were unwilling to do so.
     Within the next few weeks the lords came twice to the brothers in prison, each time with the question whether they had thought it over—were they ready to promise never again to enter the country?
     The brothers said they could not give such a promise, for the earth and all that is in it belongs to the Lord of heaven.
     They were again threatened with the galleys, the pillory, and beating with rods. One of the lords told them how terrible it would be in the galleys—they would certainly regret not having listened. The brothers replied that they would trust in God, whose eyes penetrate even into the depths of the sea.
     Try as they might, the lords could make no headway, for Heinrich and Joachim refused to give in. The brothers were taken from prison to the town hall, where the court official pointed out how extremely vexed the lords were by their obstinacy and their refusal to accept instruction.
     However, on account of the long imprisonment and the lightning that had struck the tower, it had already been decided that the brothers should return home to their people.
     Since the prisoners would neither swear nor even make a promise instead of an oath, the lords swore that if they were ever caught in their jurisdiction or territory again, they would receive very different treatment.
     Through God’s intervention, the two brothers were released on Friday morning, October 24. After fifteen weeks in prison they returned to the church of the Lord with clear consciences and completely at peace. Let us praise God for this! (Hutterian Brethren 1987, 605–8)

1. brothers: As elsewhere throughout The Chronicle of the Hutterian Brethren, the terms refers to brothers in the faith, not literal brothers. The Chroniclealso uses “sisters” in a similar manner.

2. vindresser: In addition to the raising of barley and oats, agriculture in the Zurich area included cultivation of grapes, that is, the development of vineyards. A vinedresser is the person who provides daily care, cultivating and pruning the vines.

3. They asked them what they were doing in the country: Heinrich was from the village Brüttisellen, just a few miles north of Zurich, so the lords’ question assumes that Heinrich had been absent from his homeland. They would not have asked such a question if he still lived in Brüttisellen. Stay tuned for further discussion about where Heinrich lived at this time.

4. come to mislead the people: The lords’ question reflects their suspicion that Heinrich and Joachim had come to Zurich as Hutterite missionaries. In fact, Hutterite missionaries (or emissaries) did often travel throughout Switzerland and the surrounding areas calling people to abandon their sins and/or current church affiliation in order to join God’s true church, the Hutterian Brethren.

5. both had an inheritance to claim: This is a key clue for a future post—not to be coy, but stay tuned.

6. dungeon: Although we often picture dungeons as being underground, the word simply refers to a place where prisoners are kept. See further number XX below.

7. leave the country at once and never return: As noted above, the lords believe that the two men were in Zurich on a missionary trip.

8. it was against their faith and conscience: The brothers’ refusal to leave and promise never to return because it was against their faith and conscience is consistent with the lords’ suspicion. If the two had come to Zurich on personal business rather than as a matter of spreading the faith, promising never to return would not violate their faith and conscience. It seems, then, that the Chronicle admits that the lords understood the purpose of the visit accurately.

9. they had left home and fatherland in their desire to join the true church: This statement confirms that Heinrich had left his homeland and provides the reason why: in order to join the true (Hutterian) church.
Swiss pillory from the eighteenth century

10. galleys, … pillory, … rods: Prisoners sent to the galleys had to endure the hard labor of rowing a ship. During this period in European history, slaves and convicted criminals made up the majority of the galley crew.

The pillory is often equated with the stocks that one sees in historical pieces from the Middle Ages or colonial America. However, the Swiss pillory is said to have differed, “being constructed in the form of a long cage, so that the offender can neither sit or kneel, but is under the necessity of continuing the whole time of the punishment in an exact posture” (Bankes et al. 1794, 887). In spite of their differences, the stocks and cage served the same purpose: to put some criminal on public display, where he or she would receive both verbal and, on occasion, physical abuse.

The meaning of “beat them with rods” is fairly self-evident, although he makeup of the rods (wood, as in a caning?) is unclear in the sources at hand; neither is it certain whether Swiss authorities also used whips or scourges in a similar fashion. Whatever the exact details might have been, the punishments threatened the two Hutterites were horrific and possibly life-threatening.

11. town clerk … town constable … lords: A council of lords (nobles) exercised authority in Zurich at this time, but the city government also included officials such as the clerk and constable, who were responsible for managing and enforcing council decisions.

12. Wellenberg tower: The Wellenberg tower, or Wellenbergturm, was a 50-foot tall tower built in the middle of the Limmat River, which runs through Zurich. Although it was originally built as some sort of fortification, for most of its history (at least from the 1300s until it was demolished in 1837) it served as a prison. It apparently had nine small cells spread over three floors. According to historian Arthur Dürst, the cells were so low that prisoners were barely able to sit upright. The worst offenders were confined to a wooden box in the attic that permitted no light to enter.

L: Drawing of the Wellenberg tower sitting in place in the Limmat River. R: Wooden staircase leading to two dungeons/cells.
See further the website of Prof. Aurther Dürst here.

13. cathedral and … Spitalkirche: The reference to the cathedral could be to one of the four primary churches in Zurich: Grossmünster, Fraumünster, Predigerkirche, and St. Peterskirche. The first two were the closest to the Wellenberg tower, which might argue in their favor. The Spitalkirche (that is, hospital church) is not identified further in the historical sources.

14. Calvinist ministers: Although Huldrych Zwingli led the Reformation in Zurich, after his death in 1531 his successor, Heinrich Bullinger, came to an agreement with John Calvin on the key doctrines of Reformed faith (the Second Helvetic Confession, 1549). Thus the state-sponsored church in Zurich could rightly be said to be led by Calvinist ministers.

15. depths of the sea: In the context of being threatened with hard labor in the galleys, the reference to the depths of the sea was both biblical in tone (Jonah) and relevant to the situation.

The Zurich town hall during this period.
16. town hall … court official: The town hall was located on the easy bank of the Limmat, roughly a quarter mile north of the Wellenberg tower. One would think that the court official was a judge, but the rest of the account implies that his responsibility was more to announce a decision than to make that decision. The lords are the ones with the authority to imprison and to release from prison. As with the clerk and the constable earlier, the court official serves only to exercise their policies and decisions.

17. the lords swore: Ironically, because the two Hutterites refused to swear they would not return, the city lords took it upon themselves to declare an oath that Heinrich and Joachim would be dealt with severely if ever they were found within the Zurich jurisdiction.

Sources

Bankes, Thomas, Edward Warren Blake, Alexander Cook, and Thomas Lloyd. 1794. A New, Royal, and Authentic System of Universal Geography, Antient and Modern. London: Cook. Available online here.

Hutterian Brethren. 1987. The Chronicle of the Hutterian Brethren. Vol. 1. Rifton, N.Y.: Plough.